By Seth Mandel
Monday, May 18, 2026
Every year around this time, Democratic Congresswoman
Rashida Tlaib introduces a resolution mourning the failure of the combined Arab
armies to ethnically cleanse Israel of Jews.
The term “nakba” was initially coined by Arab
intellectuals after the Israeli War of Independence to give a title to the
Arabs’ defeat at the hands of the Jews. Over time, it has been changed to mean
the “catastrophe” of the flight of some Arab Palestinians, eviction of others,
and internal displacement of still others in 1948 and 1949.
This evolution of the term followed the embrace by
Palestinian Arab nationalists of a strategy of coopting Jewish suffering, first
and foremost the Holocaust. The belief was, and is, that by mimicking the Jews,
their maximalist cause will gain legitimacy. (Their minimalist cause doesn’t
need any such shenanigans to gain legitimacy, for if they wanted their own
state alongside Israel they could have it. But their greater cause of kicking
out all the Jews is much less sympathetic.)
But the nakba’s newer definition was intentionally
elastic, and now it has come to mean: Israel bad.
As is always the case, an ideology that puts Israel’s
harm first puts Palestinian welfare lower on the list, if it makes the list at
all. And thus we have this year’s nakba resolution, a bizarre document that
undercuts supposed “pro-Palestinian” advocacy.
First of all, the choice of Nakba Day itself is
revealing: May 15, the day the Arab armies invaded the state of Israel to try
to drive the Jews out of their homeland. May 15 is a commemoration of a
declaration of total war against the Jews. This attempted war of annihilation
cost the Arab Palestinians dearly. It was catastrophic, you might say.
In reintroducing her annual Israel bad resolution,
Tlaib repeats a common talking point: “The Nakba did not end in 1948, but
continues to this day.” This, of course, diminishes the intended gravity of the
nakba; no one claims, by comparison, that the Holocaust continues to this day,
even if there is violent anti-Semitism in Germany.
The nakba certainly does continue to this day if we use
its original meaning. The attempt to annihilate the Jews in their homeland has
never let up.
But we have a growing list of grievances attached to each
year’s nakba resolution, too. That list now
includes Lebanon, which gives the game away. Just as “War Criminal
Netanyahu and his cabinet” threatened the Hamas terrorists of Gaza, Tlaib
claims, so too are they “extending these same threats towards southern
Lebanon.”
Some Palestinians fled to southern Lebanon, but it is
worth pointing out that the crimes committed against them were and are
committed by the state. Palestinians have been expelled from Lebanon, but the
ones that remained are also subject to discriminatory treatment. Tlaib claims
Israel is bombing Palestinian refugee camps. The only reason there would still
be anything called a “refugee camp”—even if this moniker is false—is that
Palestinian Arabs weren’t granted citizenship by the Lebanese. They are also kept
out of certain professions and have other restrictions on their freedom.
Israel would like this is to be rectified. The Arabs
would not.
As for what’s actually happening in Lebanon, the current
war is between Israel and Iran’s occupation forces, Hezbollah. It is that
vicious terrorist organization that controls southern Lebanon on behalf of a
foreign Persian capital. Israel is trying to dislodge Hezbollah and help the
state regain its Arab sovereignty.
That Tlaib would side with the Iranian satrapy over the
native Lebanese and the Lebanese-born children of Palestinians is not too
surprising. That she includes an Israeli defensive war against Iranian troops
as part of the “Palestinian nakba” is hugely important context for her gripes
against Israel.
Tlaib pays lip service to the Palestinian cause, but
let’s review what she has revealed about her own worldview: The nakba, to
Tlaib, is not some massive collection of crimes against humanity but in fact an
ongoing expression of what she perceives as bias against Palestinians combined
with Arab collective military defeats at the hands of the IDF. Moreover, it has
almost nothing to do with the wellbeing of Palestinians.
The nakba, as Tlaib makes crystal clear, is the survival
of the Jewish state. She regards any particular suffering by Palestinians as
tangential and overstated. Were she anyone else, she’d call this “nakba
denial.” It is a profound and unintentional admission of her true motives.
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