Tuesday, May 19, 2026

Primary Colors: Trump’s Revenge Week

By Jeffrey Blehar

Tuesday, May 19, 2026

 

Over the weekend, the State of Louisiana emphasized its fundamentally antisocial, suspiciously Francophile nature by holding its primary election on a Saturday, instead of the Tuesdays other more civilized states use. But Louisiana could have held its primary this year during Mardi Gras or Easter Sunday and it wouldn’t have saved Senator Bill Cassidy, who was bounced out of his seat in a blowout primary loss to two Trump-affiliated candidates.

 

Cassidy — a marked man among MAGA stalwarts since 2020 — was already expected to lose, but his failure to even make the runoff is a final humiliation in this deepest red of states. Finishing with a miserable 24.8 percent of the vote to Trump-endorsed Julia Letlow’s 45 percent and former administration official John Fleming’s 28.3 percent, his rejection was overdetermined: Governor Jeff Landry manipulated to close this year’s formerly open primary race to registered Republicans only, leaving Cassidy uniquely vulnerable in a state filled with ancestral Democrats who vote GOP nationally.

 

To Cassidy’s credit, he took his defeat in stoic fashion. “When you participate in democracy, sometimes it doesn’t turn out the way you want it to. But you don’t pout. You don’t whine. You don’t claim that an election was stolen from you.” Everybody knew what he was referring to, the real reason he was retired by his constituents on Saturday night: Cassidy was one of three remaining Republican senators who voted to convict Donald Trump for incitement of insurrection in 2020. (The other two are Alaska’s Lisa Murkowski — who is going to have a deeply troubled reelection campaign in 2028 unless she retires — and Susan Collins, whom even Trump isn’t stupid enough to try to push out of office in Maine.)

 

Perhaps the most notable thing about Cassidy’s loss is how both sides of our current ongoing political war were happy to kick him in the rear on his way out the door. MAGA voters hate him because of his “disloyalty” to Trump, but mostly because they are eager to focus their present frustrations outward rather than admit they’ve irrevocably wedded themselves to the cause of them. Progressives hold him in contempt as the deciding vote to confirm RFK Jr. as secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services. (Cassidy was a medical doctor before coming to D.C. and expressed extreme skepticism about RFK’s anti-vaccination stance — but ultimately voted to confirm.) I’ve talked to a surprising number of these people, who argue “he was already dead politically the moment Trump got reelected in 2024; he should have voted his conscience.” Apparently, Cassidy himself wasn’t as certain of that assessment as they were.

 

But now he is.

 

Thomas Massie Awaits Judgment

 

And Trump’s private war continues. So today we will learn the outcome of the Kentucky primary, where longtime Representative Thomas Massie currently sits as incumbent in the ultra-MAGA fourth district, awaiting judgment night. Massie is a notorious crank of the Ron and Rand Paul school, a man who famously once described his appeal to his constituents as being “the craziest son of a bitch in the race.” (He is an MIT-educated former engineer who lives off the electrical grid in a house he built for himself — personally, by hand.)

 

Now that he has enraged Trump — by voting against his economic agenda, by loudly opposing the war in Iran and aid to Israel, but most of all by collaborating with Democrats to force the release of the so-called Epstein files — he is under siege, running against Trump’s pet candidate Ed Gallrein in a district torn between its familiarity with Massie and its love of Trump.

 

A sickening amount of money has already been spent — big-money donations directed by Trump to Gallrein, small-donor dollars to Massie. At $32 million invested between both sides, it has now officially become the single most expensive primary race in American history — which only becomes more astoundingly ridiculous when you realize that it has all gone into a completely safe and nonessential seat. Trump has directed an unbelievable flood of money toward satisfying his impulse to squash his internal opponents, and not because he believes himself to be building a disciplined movement, but rather out of sheer pique: Millions upon millions that would otherwise have gone to campaigning in November have been flushed before May is over, on prosecuting his personal grudge against Massie.

 

For that reason alone — the bloody-minded pettiness of it all, the fanatical waste of crucial and finite resources — the mainstream media rather transparently are rooting for Massie to edge this race out. (Massie is no angel himself; it’s amusing to read outlets like the New York Times try to present him as a noble iconoclast as opposed to a bug-eyed libertarian lunatic — which is how he would be treated in any other context by the Times.) Trump has thrown everything he has at Massie, and if it doesn’t work? Every political reporter in America is eager to write the story about how Trump’s grip on the Republican Party is beginning to slip.

 

But I don’t think they are going to get to write that story, at least not tonight.

 

Graham Platner Is a Fancy-Boy Fraud on Top of Everything Else

 

With all the ongoing carnage in the various Republican primaries (John Cornyn’s turn comes next week), it’s easy to lose sight of the madness also engulfing the Democrats, albeit slightly more peacefully. When Maine Governor Janet Mills announced at the end of April that she was dropping out of the Senate race against Susan Collins in favor of her upstart Democratic challenger Graham Platner, I had nothing to add that I hadn’t written already. (I declared the primary race over a week before Mills’s announcement, after all — this was merely the official proof.)

 

There is no need to rehearse the most obvious issues with Platner’s candidacy — if you’ve heard his name at all, it is no doubt because he (up until a few months ago) proudly sported an enormous Nazi tattoo across his chest. (Platner farcically claims he had no idea that the totenkopf he wore on his flesh was also worn by the SS, which was a bridge too far for even his former campaign manager, who flatly accused him of lying.) Matters weren’t helped when he later approvingly retweeted an honest-to-goodness neo-Nazi, suggesting if nothing else that an X algorithm that personally adapts to a reader’s demonstrated interests knew enough to feed him pleasingly antisemitic content.

 

No matter for progressives; Graham Platner may be a neo-Nazi-curious rat cosplaying as a decent human being, but he is going to be the Democratic candidate for Senate in Maine after June, as the left attempts to unseat the remarkably resilient Susan Collins. And why? Because national Democrats were willing to overlook all that “kill the Jews” stuff (“he doesn’t mean it!”) for Platner’s authenticity. Here was a vigorous real American, not some boring, dried-out career politician: a bulked-up combat veteran, a rough-hewn blue-collar oysterman, a hard-luck “normal dude” speaking truth to power in a tough economy.

 

Alas, he’s none of that: It’s pure imposture from an upper-middle-class brat being handled by political consultants, pretty much. It turns out that Platner is instead a much more familiar type: a spoiled trust-fund kid living a downwardly mobile lifestyle at the expense of his parents. Yes, the New York Times did a little digging into the life story that Platner is retailing on the campaign trail — hardscrabble oysterman trying to grind out a living in Trump’s America — and found out that, in reality, Platner has been almost completely propped up and supported by his wealthy and hyper-educated parents:

 

As he campaigns across Maine and raises his profile in the national news media, Mr. Platner frequently cites his financial circumstances as a central credential for office.

 

“I’m a working-class guy that lives a working-class life,” he told a local Maine television station. “There’s an authenticity there that most other politicians just can’t provide because it’s inauthentic for them.”

 

Recently, as he wooed voters at an American Legion hall in the small town of Sabattus, Mr. Platner repeated what has become a routine campaign line: “I’ve never been close to money and power.”

 

As it turns out, Platner was born into family money and has soaked himself in it so deeply that he is now edging ever closer to power. The oyster farm that Platner theoretically runs? It has exactly one main client: Graham Platner’s mother, who buys his haul out of family obligation. The working-class presentation he gives? Platner is a private-school whelp whose parents helped buy his house for him and have been supporting him throughout his life. Platner recently lied outright in a campaign video: “Susan Collins, you voted to send me to Iraq” — a tough attack to defend, were it not for the fact that Platner volunteered in 2004, long after we had declared war, and that years ago, before he was a candidate, Platner gave a far darker (and truthful) account of why he went: “I wanted to have an adventure and kill some people . . . and managed both.” (Platner was so traumatized by his tour he returned as a private mercenary to Afghanistan in 2018.)

 

There is a chance that none of these falsehoods and exaggerations will matter. I’ve seen enough campaigns — heck, I’ve seen Donald Trump — so I no longer entertain any delusions that moral shame can decide a campaign in 2026. Progressives enthusiastically bought their ticket with Platner, and now they’re going to take the ride, wherever it leads.

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