By Jonathan Chait
Tuesday, May 05, 2026
The debate over Israel’s war with Hamas has been
unusually vicious in Ann Arbor, Michigan, where pro-Palestine activists have
vandalized, spat on, and menaced targets they deemed too Zionist. At the
University of Michigan’s graduation ceremony on an unseasonably chilly Saturday
morning in front of some 70,000 spectators—including me, my wife, and our
parents—the historian and faculty senate chair Derek Peterson instructed the
crowd that the moral and just position in this dispute belonged entirely to one
side. That side, ironically, is the one responsible for nearly all the
intimidation in Ann Arbor.
“The greatness of this university rests also on the
courage and the conviction of student activists who have pushed this university
down the path towards justice,” Peterson said, citing “the pro-Palestinian
student activists, who have over these past two years opened our hearts to the
injustice and inhumanity of Israel’s war in Gaza.”
Whether the activists have opened hearts to their
position or had the opposite effect (a possibility for which there is at least some
evidence), is a matter of debate. But debate is the very thing Peterson wishes
to preclude. In his brief speech, he recounted how women, Jews, and African
Americans pushed for needed social change at the university, and he described
today’s Palestinian activists as a continuation of this virtuous history. The
theme was that progressive activists inherently occupy the right side of
history.
This is a common view on the left, one that sometimes
leads progressives who recoil from activists’ specific positions or actions to
withhold disapproval. The left’s reverence for activism is a pathology that can
enable the movement’s worst ideas and instincts to escape scrutiny.
Despite that, Peterson walked the Michigan Stadium crowd
through a narrative that is familiar to any liberal and to nearly any recent
graduate of a prestigious university. Equality was not handed down by
benevolent leaders, he suggested, but demanded by brave activists who defied
social condemnation. Their critics may have disparaged their causes and perhaps
their methods at the time, but history has proved them correct. It follows,
therefore, that their modern heirs will eventually be seen as equally just.
I’ve had versions of this argument thrown back at me nearly every time I’ve
criticized any progressive activist group.
One flaw with this account is that it is selective. Over
the past two years, many Michigan students have marched or chanted in support
of Israel, but Peterson excluded them from his litany of activists blessed by
the legacy of righteous protest. The actual argument made by Peterson and
others is for deference not to student activists in general but specifically to
progressive student activists. And even this one-sided deference suffers
from a survivorship bias of sorts. Progressives believe that activists are on
the right side of history, because they choose to remember the causes that
fared well. But activists on the left have not always acted with wisdom and
foresight: Left-wing demonstrators also marched against aid to the Allies in
the 1940s, to block nuclear power in the 1970s, and in defense of totalitarian
regimes during the Cold War.
The assumption that progressive activists are inherently
on the side of justice elevates them above the category of mere political
actors into a kind of priestly class whom others can only learn from, and can
never criticize. It redirects any scrutiny of their positions to general
admiration for their idealism and passion.
Concern and empathy for Palestinian suffering and anger
at Israel’s excessive counterattack are admirable, but the movement’s ambition
is not limited to that. Michigan’s pro-Palestine activism is primarily
organized by Students Allied for Freedom and Equality, which is the local
chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine, a national network. Both the
national group and its Michigan chapter have endorsed
the October 7, 2023, attacks. Adult progressives’ insistence on viewing their
activities as mere youthful idealism makes it impossible to question those
positions.
The activists themselves have absorbed the
historical-justice narrative, concluding that they are entitled to take
whatever steps they see fit to advance their cause. Many campus chapters have
seized common space for themselves, an action that no group is allowed. If the
crew team, a fraternity, or some local MAGA fans occupied a chunk of grass that
belongs to the whole community, they would be evicted quickly. Michigan’s
activists did this, and also repeatedly intimidated targets at their homes,
including throwing a jar filled with urine through the window of the Democratic
regent Jordan Acker’s house in the middle of the night.
Most causes have adherents who get carried away. But not
every cause does so with the encouragement of professors who cast them as
angels of justice by mere dint of the category of action they are taking.
Peterson was lecturing an audience of graduates and their families. Much like
the activists he praised, he was commandeering a common space intended to
belong to the entire university community on behalf of a narrower, contested
segment of it. In so doing, he demonstrated how a belief in the immutable righteousness
of one’s own side can be a license to abuse power.
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