By David Inserra & Jennifer Huddleston
Friday, January 31, 2025
Last week, President Donald Trump took the stage
(virtually) at the World Economic Forum in Davos and proceeded to blast the EU
for the impact their regulations are having on U.S. companies and American
expression online.
Trump is absolutely right. For years now, EU
policymakers, bureaucrats, and courts have been crushing their own member
countries and American tech companies under the weight of onerous and
censorious regulations that, as Trump put it, are “a form of taxation.”
But, having rightly identified the EU as a bad actor,
President Trump and American policymakers must also resist the siren song to
respond with our own taxes, tariffs, regulations, and “competition” policies
that will cripple American businesses and harm the expression and pocketbooks
of American citizens. The most obvious example of this is in the tech sector.
Europe’s chief technology export has effectively become
its regulation, and President Trump is right that much of it directly targets
American companies. Examples abound, from massive policies such as the General
Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), the Digital Markets Act (DMA), the Digital
Services Act (DSA), and the AI Act. Each governs the global tech-policy
ecosystem, down to micromanaging which charging port smartphone companies must
design into their devices through the EU’s Common Charger Directive. These
myriad rules have imposed major costs on technological innovation and affect
American companies’ ability to do business as well as American citizens’
ability to choose.
These regulations are part of why the EU’s tech sector has lagged. Start-up culture thrives in
the U.S. — of the 49 start-ups worth more than $10 billion, only one is from
the EU. There may be a growing realization that the EU is falling behind as its host of taxes
and regulations strangle economic growth and dynamism. Nonetheless, its tech
policy has focused on punishing successful American companies rather than
examining how a precautionary approach has stifled its own.
The DMA, for example, has weaponized competition policy
by labeling successful American tech companies as “gatekeepers,” preventing
them from undertaking certain actions or otherwise offering the products and
services that consumers prefer. Consumers in Europe have faced a number of “DMA fails” such as changes
to Google Maps and smartphones that require an increasing number of steps for
setup. The results haven’t benefited Europe either, with companies choosing not to launch new products. There are other negative impacts in some industries that
the policy was designed to benefit.
European competition regulators have targeted leading
American companies for their success by taking antitrust actions that do not
accurately reflect the typical consumer experience or the dynamic nature of the
market. The consequences of these misguided actions could eliminate the
features that consumers want or prevent potential benefits from mergers.
Concerningly, the prior FTC appeared to collude with European regulators to
target American companies when the FTC was unsuccessful doing so at home. The
impact of such rules extends beyond innovation and business and quickly turns
into censorship. A significant example is former EU commissioner Thierry
Breton’s threat to Elon Musk, which occurred during Musk’s “X
spaces” interview with President Trump shortly before the 2024 election. Breton
warned Musk that since EU users will listen to this live conversation and be
subject to content that promotes “hatred, disorder, incitement to violence, or
. . . disinformation,” the DSA required Musk to “mitigate” these harms. Failure
to do so would be used against X in the EU’s ongoing prosecution of the
platform for failing to moderate to the EU’s satisfaction.
That a high-level EU official felt it was appropriate to
threaten an American citizen using an American tech platform to interview an
American politician ahead of an American election is more than just foreign
censorship run amok — it reeks of so-called foreign election interference,
interference that the EU claims is a grave threat to democracy.
The EU’s censoriousness runs beyond these high-profile
examples. It is at work in countless small moments in which American tech
companies have felt the boot of EU regulators who threatened them with large
fines if they didn’t run their platforms and moderate content as Brussels saw fit. Such pressure
affects the overall approach companies take to
content moderation.
For all these reasons, President Trump is right to call
out the EU’s regulatory scheme as a large-scale grift intent on forcing EU
views on American companies. Tariffs on French wine, Italian cheeses, or German
autos may seem to hit the EU where it hurts, but tariffs would also penalize
American consumers and fail to address the policy issues at hand.
The EU is apparently intent on crippling its own economy,
silencing speakers, and stifling innovation. But that doesn’t mean the U.S.
should shoot itself in the foot, too. Instead, the U.S. should illustrate the
benefits of a light-touch approach to American innovation, support our
companies that are standing up to regulation abroad, and resist the siren song
to engage in similar regulations on antitrust and speech at home.
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