By Kevin D. Williamson
Friday, January 17, 2025
I will remind readers here of Williamson’s First Law:
“Everything in life is really, really simple, provided you don’t know a
[expletive deleted] thing about it.”
Consider the California wildfires.
About California Gov. Gavin Newsom and the wildfires
currently plaguing the state, Donald Trump wrote
with his trademark combination of pre-Oedipal rage and illiteracy: “This is all
his fault!!!” Sen. Ted Cruz, who has been trying (and failing) to out-Trump
Trump since 2016, has also heaped scorn on
California’s elected officials: “The people of southern California have every
right to be angry. Their elected officials failed them greatly.”
Sen. Cruz took a rather more nuanced view of the
wildfires that scorched Texas in recent years, for example by sponsoring
legislation that would have taken into account whether cattle lost in the fires
were pregnant when calculating compensation for ranchers. Cruz spurred other
federal agencies, such
as the Small Business Administration, into action, too. A single wildfire
in my part of Texas, the 2024 Smokehouse Creek Fire, burned more land—about 1
million acres—than all wildfires combined burn in California in a typical year.
Was that a terrible failure of leadership in Texas?
Well, you know, it’s complicated—it always is when
it’s your business.
The Smokehouse Creek Fire in 2024 burned 1,654 square
miles of largely rural land, an area larger than the land area of Rhode Island
and nearly that of Delaware—more than three times the area of the City of Los
Angeles and about 40 percent of the area of Los Angeles County. It was huge,
the largest wildfire in Texas’ recorded history and the largest anywhere in the
United States in 2024. And with all due respect to the two people who died in
the fire and the many more who suffered property damage, it was a relatively
minor affair.
It is not as though California does not have political
problems—boy, does it. But the fundamental challenge wrapped up in these
Southern California wildfires is one of geography. Los Angeles’
well-deserved reputation for sprawl masks the fact that it is, after New York
City, the most densely populated metropolitan area in these United States. And
while Los Angeles has nothing to compare to the population density of New York
City’s most jam-packed census tracts, which run as high as 200,000 people per
square mile—it does have tracts that contain 90,000 people per square mile. The
Smokehouse Creek Fire mainly affected Hutchinson, Roberts, and Hemphill
counties in Texas, which have population densities per square mile of: 23, 3.7,
and 2.6. Southwest of these in Loving County,
conditions can get pretty dry and brushy, too, and wildfires are no doubt of
real concern to the 60-odd people who live there and give it its 0.1 person per
square mile population density.
Of course they’re counting the cattle. There isn’t much
else to count besides rattlesnakes. There is a reason that this part of the
world is known as the Big
Empty.
Southern California’s climate and vegetation make it
fire-prone. Whatever effect climate change is having on the fires right now,
fires were in the main much larger in the 19th century, when
something on the order of 4.5
million acres burned in a typical year, as opposed to the median damage
from 2000-23, about 650,000
acres a year. (The mean damage is nearly 1 million acres; there have been a
few big outlier years.) The wildfire story is a lot like the hurricane story:
The loss of life and property damage is considerably worse today than a century
ago not because of climate change but because of population change, with people
moving into fire-prone or hurricane-prone areas in large numbers, with many of
them building unusually expensive houses in these scenic locales. Even if one
accepts the largest estimates of the effects of climate change, the most
important factor in lives lost and dollars forfeited is that in the middle of
the 19th century there were only 2,240 people living in El
Cuidad de los Angeles, while what is today Dade County was home to all of
83 people in 1860.
You can still see the aftermath of the Smokehouse Creek
Fire, if you are willing to do some driving. And if you drive in from nearby
Amarillo, you can tour through the million acres that burned in the East
Amarillo Complex fire in 2006. That got into more densely populated areas
than the Smokehouse Creek Fire did, but nothing like Los Angeles. The Bastrop
County Complex Fire in 2011 burned up 50 square miles not far from Austin—only
two people died in that very costly and destructive fire (nearly 1,700
buildings were lost), but you can imagine how much worse it would have been had
it reached Austin. And Texas is a lot more urban than people may assume: Of the
dozen largest cities in the United States, five of them—Houston, San Antonio, Dallas,
Austin, Fort Worth—are in Texas. In the main, these cities are, like their
California counterparts, heavily Democratic, with a very familiar kind of urban
politics. (Dallas’ Republican mayor, Eric “Not the ‘Cliffs of Dover’ Guy”
Johnson, was elected as a Democrat and switched parties; previously, Fort Worth
had been the largest Texas—or U.S.—city with a Republican mayor, the city’s
“nonpartisan” municipal elections being a polite fiction.) Politics in Ted
Cruz’s home of Houston look a lot like politics in Philadelphia or Chicago or
in the city Houston most resembles—which is, of course, Los Angeles. But
Houston doesn’t burn as much as it floods.
It’s easy for Cruz et al. to piss on California, and it
is not as though California doesn’t have it coming. But when Texas burned, Sen.
Cruz didn’t offer those flatland farmers and ranchers a stern lecture on
self-reliance and the necessity of digging fire lanes—he put his hand into the
federal cookie jar on their behalf, which is what senators do. And when
Californians want to do the same?
Don’t be surprised if Republicans insist that is … different.
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