By Jonathan Kay
Tuesday, January 07, 2025
There are no
term limits in Canadian politics. While this may sound like a boon to
ambitious politicians, it’s actually something of a curse, as it allows them to
cling to power long after their stars have dimmed and their legacies have been
compromised. This is why ex-prime ministers and ex-premiers (Brian
Mulroney and Jean
Chrétien being two examples from the former category) are relegated to
somewhat grubby professional after-lives as corporate pitch men and lobbyists
in their dotage.
Justin Trudeau, who announced
his resignation on Monday, presents a particularly sad case study. His Liberals
won a commanding Parliamentary majority in 2015, and during the first term that
followed, Trudeau did much to reward voters’ trust. He faced down Donald
Trump’s protectionist threats with patience and tact, increased marginal tax
rates on the rich as a means to fight income inequality, legalised marijuana,
and passed legislation that allows adults to access medical assistance in dying
(MAID, as it’s now commonly known)—all steps that I supported. Trudeau became a
star on the world stage, positioning himself as something of an anti-Trump; but
also (at least briefly) a unifying force at home. As I wrote
in Foreign Affairs magazine in 2017, the values he then
channelled—liberal “in both the modern and classical sense of the word”—are
widely shared across the Canadian political spectrum.
Trudeau’s reputation among Canadians is now at such
a low ebb that it’s easy to forget how popular he was during this honeymoon
phase. Had he quit politics in 2019, as his star was dimming,
he’d likely be remembered fondly by most Canadians, and would now possess some
gilded sinecure at a prestigious university, name-brand NGO, or even the United
Nations. Instead, he went on to fight in two closely contested elections—losing
the popular vote in each to the opposition Conservatives while cobbling
together increasingly scandal-plagued minority governments.
I am one of the many Canadians who once truly believed in
Justin Trudeau—so much that I put my then-career at a conservative newspaper in
jeopardy by agreeing
to ghostwrite his memoirs in 2014. Notwithstanding Conservative efforts to
portray Trudeau as a pretty dilettante who was “just
not ready” to lead Canada, I found him to be mature, well-informed,
serious-minded—and, yes, very charming. I was especially drawn to his
effusively expressed patriotic love for Canada—a prominent theme in the book we
produced, Common
Ground.
The 2014-era Trudeau who put his name to that book wasn’t
“woke” in the slightest—and, in fact, he explicitly called out political
opportunists who wanted to balkanise Canadian society according to skin colour
or other superficial markers. “Identity politics might have been one way of
establishing rapport with voters, the kind of divide-and-conquer strategy
favoured by the other parties—but I had no intention of going down that road,” Common
Ground asserts. “I tried to build common ground around common values that I
believed were widely shared.”
These were words that I believed Canada needed to hear at
the time. The incumbent Conservative prime minister, Stephen Harper, had shown
Canadians that right-wing politicians were fully capable of going in for their
own kind of “identity politics” when it suited them—as exemplified by his “Zero
Tolerance for Barbaric Cultural Practices Act,” and an associated snitch
line that Canadians could call to inform on their neighbours. Many of my
conservative friends seemed eager to turn Canada’s 2015 general election into a
regional theatre of America’s culture war—or even of some grand struggle to
save the soul of western civilisation from our enemies. By comparison,
Trudeau’s focus on “sunny
ways” and the relentlessly upbeat tone of his election campaign struck me
as deeply attractive.
But we all know how this story ends. Rather than reject
“identity politics” and “build common ground,” Trudeau jumped with both feet
into the fever swamps of race and gender politics, eventually turning himself
into Canada’s Chief DEI Officer. By his second term in office, he was trashing
his (supposedly beloved) Canada as a genocide state, tarring conservative
opponents as enablers of white
supremacy, and telling Canadians that “systemic racism” infects “all
our institutions.” If you disagreed with him on vaccines, this meant you
were likely a misogynist
and a racist. When it emerged that Trudeau himself had been a serial
blackface enthusiast when he was younger—he couldn’t even count how many
times he’d done it, he told reporters—Liberal media cheerleaders insisted that,
well, it was really just a symptom of Canadian “anti-Blackness”
writ large. Our fault, in other words.
When the false
rumour that the physical remains of 215 dead Indigenous children had been
unearthed from the grounds of a former British Columbia school in 2021, Trudeau
turned it into an officially
sanctioned lie, and lowered flags on federal buildings for almost six
months. Trudeau also took the opportunity to slam Canada for another
supposed “genocide”—this one (which is apparently still going on even as I
type these words) against Indigenous women.
Trudeau created an “Anti-Racism Strategy” and
“Anti-Racism Secretariat,” and showered millions on dubious
left-wing groups that signal-boosted Liberal claims that Canada is awash
with right-wing racists. His government funded such an enormous set of
anti-racism slush funds that no one in Ottawa could keep track of who was at
the trough: At one point in 2022, it emerged that Trudeau’s Heritage ministry
was bankrolling an antisemitic bigot named Laith Marouf, who toured Canada
purporting to educate audiences about community media, while viciously
denouncing Jews on social media. Even once this fact was discovered by a
prominent Canadian telecommunications consultant named Mark Goldberg,
and then reported
by Quillette, it took Trudeau’s government months to actually cut
off Marouf’s funding.
In his manic fervour to get onside with post-George Floyd
hash-taggers, Trudeau started pegging government spending to recipients’ skin
colour—a race-segregated approach completely alien to Canadian values (but
which his cabinet ministers still brag
about to this day). Under Trudeau’s watch, the CBC, Canada’s
government-funded national broadcaster, abandoned all pretense that it was
anything but a mouthpiece for American-inspired social-justice agitprop. This
included the creation of a special media vertical called “Being Black in
Canada,” which naturally was marked with a set of raised black fists. On gender
issues, CBC news coverage became a catalogue of self-parody,
featuring articles such as—and I am not making this up—Cutting
through the binary: Photographer documents transgender and gender nonconforming
people’s experiences with haircuts and As
a nurse and a drag artist, Anita LandBack blazes a trail in the name of
Indigenous resilience. Thanks to these offerings, the CBC has become so
mocked and disdained by ordinary Canadians that an incoming Conservative
government will likely face little opposition in killing the CBC off entirely,
a fate that would have been unthinkable before Trudeau’s social-justice
apparatchiks fatally contaminated its brand.
the idiom of a gender-studies grad student, Trudeau told
cabinet ministers that their policy-making had to be “developed through an
intersectional lens, including applying frameworks such as Gender-based
Analysis.” Men with female pronouns were allowed
into women’s prisons and sports
leagues, drag queens were paraded
around Parliament, Pride Week was turned into a months-long “Pride
Season,” “LGBT” was replaced in official government documents with the
comically unpronounceable
term “2SLGBTQI+,” and fringe misogynists such as Fae
Johnstone were showered with government
handouts. The Canada that Trudeau inherited in 2014 was a socially liberal
place where gay marriage had (thankfully) become widely accepted, even among
conservatives. Yet thanks to the toxic
messaging of government-funded trans activists and the Liberals’ non-stop
avalanche of gaudy rainbow propaganda, Canada’s LGB&T communities now face
a significant backlash.
Trudeau even performed his social-justice shtick on the
international stage, where he made a pest of himself by hectoring other leaders
about white
supremacy. When asked what he’d contributed to a G20 meeting in 2023, he said
“gender language” and “Indigenous
reflections.” Trudeau took
a knee to Black Lives Matter when George Floyd died, then performed
the same mawkish act when visiting an Indigenous reserve in 2021 with a teddy
bear. That year, largely thanks to Trudeau, Canada’s national birthday on 1
July was transformed from a celebration into a morbid
ritual of repentance.
The rise and fall of Justin Trudeau isn’t just the sad
story of one politician, but a cautionary tale about the corrosive effects of
social-justice dogma on mainstream politics. Trudeau’s main message—the title
of his book, the basis of his appeal, the reason I agreed to help him—was that
Canada is a great country and that Canadians should focus on their common goals
and values. But the whole doctrinal basis of the (again, largely
American-imported) social-justice movement he embraced is utterly incompatible
with that unifying spirit—as it presents the divisions between races in stark,
dystopian, unbridgeable terms. Forced to decide between these two mutually
exclusive ideas, Trudeau picked the one that seemed more fashionable,
completely betraying his previously articulated values in the process.
Which Trudeau was the real one, Canadians asked
themselves—the upbeat patriot who took office in 2015, or the joyless
social-justice hypocrite lecturing them about their whiteness?
If Canada is indeed a genocide state, and Canadians truly
are inveterate racists permanently stained by the original sin of white
supremacy (not to mention the follow-on ideological crimes of sexism,
transphobia, and all the rest)—what hope is there for “common ground”? What
hope is there even for patriotism itself in a land of genocide? After listening
to Trudeau babble on for so many years about these topics, many of us—myself
included—have wondered openly why he’d even want to lead this
wretched moral wasteland of “unmarked graves” we call Canada.
This is personal for me, and not just because of some
book project I wrapped up more than a decade ago. Both of my parents hail from
immigrant families whose forebears faced murderous antisemitism in Europe and
Asia. Comparatively speaking, Canada offered a paradise of safety and
tolerance. And it’s offered me and my own children numerous wonderful
opportunities to build happy lives. Watching Trudeau casually trash this
incredible country—the one we elected him to run, on the apparently false
assumption that he actually liked or even respected it—has been a painful
spectacle.
While it’s absolutely true that the history of this
Canadian paradise is stained with injustices visited upon Indigenous
populations, Canada is not a genocide state. Nor is white supremacy a
mainstream creed among my fellow citizens. These are lies dressed up as
social-justice slogans. And the fact that Trudeau trafficked in them
constitutes his defining disgrace.
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