By Noah Rothman
Wednesday,
March 08, 2023
Two
weeks ago, the Washington Post published a
reported-out piece on
the illogic of the word “woke,” which itself was illogical. The authors posit
that no one really knows what the word has come to mean, least of all the
Republicans who use it as an epithet. Those who do know what it means, however,
understand that it describes only good things — being socially conscious and
attuned to society’s nagging inequities, for example. And, anyway, Republicans
only co-opted the word with the express intention of undermining “black and
liberal ideas,” according to one quoted professor.
As I wrote at
the time, the
article lacquered a pseudo-authoritative gloss onto a transparent attempt to
anathematize a word that no longer serves progressives’ political interests. In
the weeks since, center-left outlets such as Poynter and PolitiFact have also engaged in
theatrical displays of befuddlement over what this amorphous word really
means. USA Today has since lent its credibility to this
progressive imperative with its sponsorship of an Ipsos poll that purports to
put meat on these otherwise bare bones.
Their
latest poll confirms that no one really knows what “woke” means, particularly
when respondents aren’t provided with any accurate definitions. “Republican
presidential hopefuls are vowing to wage a war on ‘woke,’” USA Today’s write-up of its survey began,
“but a new USA TODAY/Ipsos Poll finds a majority of Americans are
inclined to see the word as a positive attribute, not a negative one.”
Hear
that, Republicans? Everyone loves “woke”! Well, at least 56 percent of those
surveyed endorse the word when they’re told it describes someone who is
“informed, educated on, and aware of social injustices.” By contrast, just 39
percent of respondents express a negative view of the word insofar as it
describes someone who is “overly politically correct” and is inclined to
“police others’ words.” Having deemed the Right’s obsession with “wokeness” a
quixotic endeavor, USA Today bellyflops into a solipsistic
reflection on how the public’s perceptions “raise questions” about the Right’s
self-defeating myopia.
This is
a prime example of journalism that works backward from a conclusion in pursuit
of evidence to support it.
Wokeness
in practice is not something so quaint as speech-policing and “political
correctness.” It encapsulates an alternative theory of social organization that
often enters
into conflict with the
Constitution. It
prescribes not just otherworldly speech codes but programs of reeducation for
those who decline to subscribe to them. It necessitates the redistribution
of economic and social goods in the pursuit of “restorative justice”
for wrongs committed by generations long passed. It redefines cosmic constants
like the laws of
mathematics,
operating on the bigoted assumption that those laws are incomprehensible to
those who were born into certain identities. “Woke” does not describe a
persnickety busybody who cannot abide your verbal miscues. It describes a
revolutionary.
A quick
perusal of the polling on the issue exposes the flaw in USA Today/Ipsos’s
methods.
When
respondents are not primed with erroneous definitions and are instead asked
only if they would vote for a self-described “woke” candidate, as CBS/YouGov did last October, they found
that 58 percent of likely voters would be less likely to pull the lever for
that candidate. That same month, a Harvard-Harris poll found that 64 percent of
respondents,
including a majority of Democrats, blame “the increase in crime” on “woke
politicians” as opposed to “other factors.” That’s, at the very least, odd if
most Americans don’t understand the word or believe it only describes a
heightened social consciousness.
A handy
2021 Atlantic/Leger survey tested a variety of controversial statements designed to gauge voters’
“wokeness.” Their findings demonstrate a strong correlation between statements
widely regarded as “woke” and voters who pulled the lever for Joe Biden in
2020. Even USA Today’s own poll finds that more respondents considered “woke” to be an insult than
those who said it’s a compliment.
Taking
these data at face value, what are we to conclude? That a significant number of
Americans think “wokeness” describes high levels of empathy and social insights
and reject both? That Americans are simultaneously perplexed by the word but
able to both recognize it in the wild and shun it? That American adults in
Ipsos’s own survey are insulted if you accuse them of being “informed” and
“educated”?
There’s
plenty of data to support the conclusion that average voters cannot necessarily
reproduce a pat definition of the word “woke.” That is reasonable. “Social
justice” also lacks a universal definition, even though it describes the suite
of policies generally preferred by those with dispositional affinities toward
“wokeness.” Voters might not know how to define it, but they know it
when they see it. The
preponderance of evidence suggests they don’t like what they see.
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