By
Charles C. W. Cooke
Tuesday,
March 21, 2023
Conservative Americans
must choose. Do they want Donald Trump to play a central role in Republican
politics, or do they want to win elections and achieve the policy outcomes that
supposedly inspired them to get involved in politics in the first instance? My
question is literal, not rhetorical. Conservatives must choose. They cannot
have both of these things. They must pick only one.
As
president, Donald Trump delivered some welcome conservative victories. He is
not going to do so again. In fact, the opposite is true. If Trump is allowed to
stick around, he will remain what he has already become: a massive drag on the
fortunes and the efficacy of the political Right. Electorally, Trump is a bust.
Ideologically, he is a mess. And as an agent of persuasion . . . well, let’s
just say that, at this point, the GOP might be better off asking Charles Manson
to serve as the chief representative of its brand. A Republican Party that
features Trump as its star attraction is a Republican Party that will stay at
the margins of federal office and watch impotently as progressives continue to
accrete power. The bureaucracy will grow. Taxes will increase. Entitlement
spending will spiral. The border will remain porous. The Supreme Court will be
flipped back. That, and not the handful of salutary reforms that were achieved
between 2017 and 2021, will be Trump’s legacy.
Trump is
not going to win elections going forward. He won in 2016 because he ran against
Hillary Clinton — and, even then, he secured only 46.1 percent of the vote. In
2018, he was a drag on the Republican ticket. In 2020, he lost reelection by 7
million votes. In 2022, he almost single-handedly demolished the GOP’s chance
to retake the Senate. If Trump is nominated in 2024, he will lose once again.
The same goes for 2028, 2032, 2036, and every election season in between. Trump
is a poor candidate; he has become worse, not better, over time; and his time
in the wilderness has turned him into King Lear.
Nor is
Trump going to help other conservatives to win office or to thrive. We can, of
course, debate who is and who is not a “conservative,” just as we can argue
over which sort of conservatives we would like to lead the movement going
forward. But that is not the endeavor in which Donald Trump is engaged. Rather,
Trump habitually divides the world into two groups — one full of people he
likes, one full of people he does not — and then backfills his reasoning on the
fly. For Trump, there is nothing important in American politics besides the
one-way personal loyalty that other Republicans exhibit toward him and his
ambitions. Why are Kevin McCarthy and Elise Stefanik and Dr. Oz held up as
desirable conservatives? Answer: Because McCarthy and Stefanik are willing to
prostrate themselves before him. Why, by contrast, are Brian Kemp, Mike Pence,
Paul Ryan, and, increasingly, Ron DeSantis deemed problematic? Answer: Because,
in one way or another, they are unwilling to toe his line. Given a choice
between advancing his own interests and burning down the entire American
conservative movement, Trump would light a match.
If
pushed, Trump will suggest that he is now synonymous with American conservatism
— that, as a practical matter, his interests and its interests are
inextricable. This is false. Across the board, Trump’s existence within the
debate is making it more difficult to sell conservatism than it was before he
arrived. Conservatives believe in the importance of institutions, of delayed
gratification, and of exhibiting humility about what we do not — and, perhaps,
cannot — know. Donald Trump believes in none of these things. Conservatives
believe that politics exists to facilitate civil society, and they insist that
the idea that “everything is political” represents the first step toward
totalitarianism. Donald Trump sits at the head of a cult of personality and
subordinates all political and moral questions to his whim. Conservatives
cherish the American constitutional order, and they understand that its
constraints will not always line up with the transient wishes of the majority.
Like contemporary progressives, Donald Trump expresses a desire to abolish any
portion of the system that temporarily inconveniences him.
This
infantile impatience is applied universally, because, at root, Donald Trump
believes in nothing. Sensing a fleeting political advantage, Trump has begun to
throw the entire Democratic playbook at Ron DeSantis, who, because he has
noticed that our federal entitlements are insolvent, has been labeled a “wheelchair off the cliff
kind of guy.” This is not helpful. Desperate to divert blame for the performance
of his ridiculous candidates in 2022, Trump insisted that it was Republicans’ position on
abortion — one he once adopted himself — that had cost them the Senate. This is
not helpful. Blinded by the cameras after the massacre at Parkland in 2018,
Trump responded to Mike Pence’s demand that
any changes to the law must “allow due process so no one’s rights are trampled”
by declaring, “I like taking the guns early” and, “take the guns first, go
through due process second.” This is not helpful.
As a
famous man once said, “We have come to a time for choosing.” Unlike in 2020,
Donald Trump’s nomination in 2024 is not a fait accompli, and the
question before conservatives is not whether they would prefer a second Trump
term to the prospect of Joe Biden. The question now is whether, with the
advantage of a great universe of alternative options before them, conservatives
would prefer to take concrete steps to advance their political goals or to
sacrifice everything to feed the ego of a maniac. Those are our two choices —
and they are not going to change.
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