By
Dominic Pino
Tuesday,
March 28, 2023
Rahul
Gandhi, an opposition leader in the Lok Sabha (the lower house of India’s
parliament), was disqualified
from office last
Thursday after being convicted of defamation. He was sentenced to two years in
prison over remarks he made in 2019 that disparaged people with the surname
“Modi.” Of course, the most prominent person in India with that surname is the
prime minister, Narendra Modi.
Prime
Minister Modi did not file the case against Gandhi, but rather Purnesh Modi, a state legislator from Gujarat,
the prime minister’s home state. At a campaign rally in 2019, Gandhi said, “Why
do all thieves have Modi in their names, whether it is Nirav Modi, Lalit Modi,
or Narendra Modi? We don’t know how many more such Modis will come out.”
Nirav
Modi and Lalit Modi are prominent businessmen who have been investigated for
various forms of wrongdoing in recent years. Neither they nor Purnesh are
related to the prime minister, and “Modi” is a relatively
common last name in
Gujarat and other states.
Until
his conviction last week, Gandhi had been a leader of the Indian National
Congress (INC) in the Lok Sabha (he was also president of the party from 2017
to 2019). The remark was made during an election year, and alleging corruption
in the Modi government has been one of the top messages the INC has used to
campaign against the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Gandhi was mentioning
two other famous people named “Modi” that his audience would be familiar with
and cheekily noting that they were corrupt, as he campaigns against a prime
minister he believes to be corrupt.
This is
the sort of thing that is clearly protected speech under the First Amendment to
the United States Constitution. But the First Amendment to the Indian
Constitution does the exact opposite of our First Amendment: It describes the
ways that the government can limit speech.
The Indian First
Amendment says
that the government is permitted to make “reasonable restrictions” on free
speech and other fundamental rights “in the interests of the security of the
State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or
morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an
offence.” In the statement of objects from the act that adopted the Indian
First Amendment, it says, “In other countries with written constitutions,
freedom of speech and of the press is not regarded as debarring the State from
punishing or preventing abuse of this freedom.”
Accordingly,
like most other countries, India has stricter defamation laws than the United
States. Gandhi was convicted under Section 499 of the Indian Penal Code,
which says: “Whoever, by words either spoken or intended to be read, or by
signs or by visible representations, makes or publishes any imputation
concerning any person intending to harm, or knowing or having reason to believe
that such imputation will harm, the reputation of such person, is said, except
in cases hereinafter excepted, to defame that person.”
There is
an exception for speech about the “public conduct of public servants.” It says,
“It is not defamation to express in good faith any opinion whatever respecting
the conduct of a public servant in the discharge of his public functions, or
respecting his character, so far as his character appears in that conduct, and
no further.” But the argument from Purnesh Modi was that Gandhi’s comments
defamed all Modis, not just the prime minister. A literal reading of Gandhi’s
comment does indicate that, and without the backing of something like the U.S.
First Amendment, it’s possible to see how these laws can be used to convict for
comments such as Gandhi’s.
A BJP
supporter could point out that if this is democratic backsliding, it’s still a
long way from sliding back to the government of Rahul’s grandmother Indira
Gandhi, who declared a nearly two-year state of emergency from 1975 to 1977 and
ruled by decree, arresting political opponents and censoring the press along
the way. The Gandhi family (which are the descendants of India’s first prime
minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and are not related to Mahatma Gandhi) has
essentially run the INC as a family business and engaged in plenty of
corruption of its own, including under Rahul’s father Rajiv, who was prime
minister from 1984 to 1989.
An INC
supporter could point out that the timing of this conviction is suspicious,
given that Rahul had recently completed the Bharat Jodo Yatra, a 146-day march
across India to unite the opposition against the BJP. It also comes after Modi
had censored a BBC documentary critical of his tenure as chief minister of
Gujarat, so Gandhi’s conviction is not the only move against free speech the
government has taken recently. Gandhi was also a harsh critic of Modi’s ties
with Gautam Adani, the Indian billionaire whose front-page
scandal is now
out of the headlines thanks to this conviction.
James
Madison could point out that this exact episode is why you don’t let the
government pick and choose which types of speech to allow in the first place.
It will always devolve into partisan squabbling, which will result in selective
enforcement against political opponents. That’s especially true in political
situations like India’s current one, where the BJP has an outright majority in
parliament on its own and enjoys broad popular support, while the INC’s image
is weak, and it holds fewer than 10 percent of the seats in the Lok Sabha.
Some in
the United States might look at the wording of India’s First Amendment and find
it appealing. India’s actions last week should remind us all why it is not, and
why we should be grateful for the strong free-speech protections we have.
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