National
Review Online
Wednesday,
March 15, 2023
The failure
of Silicon Valley Bank should not have been a surprise to financial
executives and bank regulators. They should have seen it coming, and the fact
that they didn’t raises significant concerns about the post-2008 regulatory
apparatus that was supposed to prevent this kind of thing.
SVB’s failure was
not due to fraud or deception, or at least no evidence we have so far suggests
as much. The bank wasn’t trying to pull a fast one on depositors or lie to
inspectors. It made poor decisions that culminated in a bank run.
In a
time when corporate monikers are frequently mystifying, Silicon Valley Bank did
roughly what you’d expect it to do: It was the bank for many tech start-ups.
Those tech start-ups had lots of cash from venture capitalists that they needed
to deposit somewhere. SVB was not only their go-to, but often where their
financiers expected them to bank.
Banks
typically make money by lending out deposits at interest, but tech start-ups
don’t borrow a lot of money from commercial banks, which was one reason why SVB
had done well out of that market niche. But it was a niche on which it had
become unhealthily dependent.
When
money poured into start-ups during a venture-capital boom that owed not a
little to the Fed’s interest-rate policy, that left the bank with a lot of
money on deposit. So it bought tons of long-term Treasuries and mortgage-backed
securities — extremely safe, government-backed assets. It relied on these
assets far more than other banks did. But as interest rates increase, the
market value of those long-term assets declines. This meant that while in
theory it was adequately capitalized, it was, in reality, highly vulnerable to
rising rates. That meant that even though the face value of SVB’s assets was
roughly enough to pay back depositors, the market value was insufficient if it
had to do so all at once.
When
depositors started figuring out the danger SVB was in, too many of them decided
they wanted their money back, and the bank couldn’t pay them all. So the FDIC
took over the now-failed bank.
Some
want to blame the Fed’s interest-rate increases for this episode. They are
certainly part of the story, as the rate increases caused SVB’s long-term assets
to lose value. But every bank faces the same Fed raising the same federal-funds
rate, and not every bank had SVB’s problem.
Some
also want to blame SVB’s ESG and diversity initiatives. We oppose such
initiatives and hold to the old-fashioned idea that banks should be in the
business of making money, not serving the flavor of the day in progressive
politics. But SVB is hardly the only bank doing ESG and diversity initiatives,
and other banks that do them did not get taken over by the FDIC over the weekend.
No, this
particular bank made particularly poor decisions in how it managed its
business. Agree or disagree with the Fed’s rate increases, they were not a
surprise. Other banks planned around them. SVB failed to do so adequately, and
its executives are justly paying the price for that failure.
But
where were the bank regulators? Elizabeth Warren and other progressives are
trying to blame rule changes made during the Trump presidency for the lack of
regulatory oversight, but that is a red herring. The fundamental information
about SVB’s potential problems didn’t need a more powerful government to
uncover. SVB’s business model made it an obvious outlier compared with other
banks, based on public data that anyone could have looked at months ago, and
its rapid growth in the past year should have attracted attention from
regulators.
The
financial sector in this country does not lack for regulators. This, not
interest rates, is where the Fed deserves more blame. The monetary-policy
decisions get the headlines, but most of the day-to-day work at the Fed,
especially the regional Feds, is in bank regulation. Why wasn’t the San
Francisco Fed, in whose jurisdiction SVB resided, on the case?
Nearly
every news story you read will mention somewhere in the first few paragraphs
that SVB was the 16th-largest bank in the country. That’s true, but misleading
as to the impact SVB has on the economy in general. The list of the largest
banks is highly uneven, with the top four (JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America,
Citibank, and Wells Fargo) holding consolidated assets in excess of $9
trillion. SVB held $209 billion. By no definition of the term was SVB “too big
to fail.” If the 16th-largest bank is too big, why not the 17th, or 18th, or
19th?
Yet the
losses of its depositors are being socialized nonetheless. Executives, shareholders,
and unsecured bondholders are being wiped out, but depositors will get back 100
percent of their money, in excess of the FDIC’s $250,000 cap. The purpose of
that cap is to protect individuals with normal checking and savings accounts
without guaranteeing every massive firm’s deposits with the full faith and
credit of the federal government. But in SVB’s case, most of its customers were
firms with millions deposited, not individuals. These companies had the option
of purchasing deposit insurance above the limit but chose not to, and yet the
government is eschewing the limit and pledging to make them whole anyway. Will
it do so in the future if other banks make poor decisions? It’ll be hard to
argue it shouldn’t, especially if the potential victims are politically
sympathetic.
The Fed
is now under pressure to stop interest-rate increases, out of fears that
continuing them could cause more bank failures. That’s troubling because real
interest rates are still negative, and nominal GDP growth is still well in
excess of its pre-pandemic trend. That means that, despite the increases that
have already taken place, monetary policy isn’t contractionary yet, and
inflation remains more than triple what it should be.
Because
of the actions of one medium-sized bank doing business almost exclusively in
one sector of the economy in one region of the country, and the failure of
regulators to better police those actions, it’s possible that the U.S. now has
de facto unlimited deposit insurance, a weaker monetary policy, and a slew of
politicians itching to make hay out of the whole debacle. It is also another
instance in which the federal government is making sweeping decisions, with
significant long-term implications, without going through Congress.
We were
promised post-2008 that such instability was a thing of the past, due to
Dodd-Frank, better Fed regulation, and the government’s learning from its
mistakes. But the government apparently can’t spot ordinary problematic banking
practices. What other obvious problems, which everyone expects regulators to
fix, are lurking out there only to be found out once it’s too late? There’s
systemic risk for you.
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