By Rich Lowry
Friday, October 10, 2025
The “cease-fire now” crowd finally got its cease-fire,
although not the way it hoped.
Israel and Hamas have agreed to stop the fighting in Gaza, while
the terror group will release all Israeli hostages in exchange for Palestinian
prisoners held by Israel.
There’s always a chance the agreement falls apart. Still,
it isn’t creating jubilation from all the people who have been braying for
Israel to end the war. There are two reasons — one is that the deal is
favorable for Israel, and the other is that the deal’s architect is a president
of the United States whom the fiercest advocates of a cease-fire hate.
If it holds, the agreement is the biggest victory yet for
Donald Trump’s hyperactive, transactional diplomacy.
A lifetime of maneuvering for advantage in the real
estate and media worlds in New York City — searching for and using every ounce
of leverage — was better preparation for high-level international diplomacy
than if Trump had spent a lifetime on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Whereas “international opinion” believed we had to
isolate and cut off Israel, Trump armed the Jewish state, bombed Iran, and
squeezed Qatar to bring Hamas to heel — and it worked. The deal is a tribute to
avoiding the well-worn ruts of Middle East diplomacy.
As for Israel, it needed to find a way out of a conflict
that had become a PR disaster. Getting the hostages back is an important
national goal, even if the exchange is lopsided (these swaps always are).
Meanwhile, Israel will pull back to an agreed-upon line but still hold an
estimated 53 percent of Gaza as a security buffer. Even if things eventually go
south again, Israel has bought time by decimating Hamas and significantly
diminishing the threats from Iran and Hezbollah.
It is certainly true that phase 2 of the deal, which is
supposed to disarm Hamas and establish a technocratic Palestinian government in
Gaza, will be much more difficult to pull off. If it were to come to fruition,
though, it would be transformative for Israel’s security and for the lives of
Gazans.
There will presumably be no speeches at Hollywood awards
ceremonies crediting Trump for his peacemaking. Among other things, there’s too
much cognitive dissonance in saying, “I think President Trump is a dangerous
fascist — but appreciate how bound and determined he is to end conflicts around
the world.”
Trump is a gonzo version of standard U.S. foreign policy.
All American presidents want to make peace in the Middle
East, and all want, whether they say it or not, to win the Nobel Peace Prize.
What’s different about Trump is his methods, and his openness about seeking a
call from the Nobel committee.
A hallmark of his policymaking at its best is an
unwillingness to take “no” for an answer, an unremitting sense of urgency, and
a creativity that is considered unrealistic or reckless by conventional
metrics. We saw it during his first term with his success securing the border,
with the historic achievement of Operation Warp Speed, and with the Abraham
Accords.
“The reasonable man adapts himself to the world,” George
Bernard Shaw maintained; “the unreasonable one persists in trying to adapt the
world to himself. Therefore, all progress depends on the unreasonable man.”
In this sense, Trump is usefully unreasonable. Everyone
around the world needs to be a little afraid of him, while he is willing to
talk to anyone or consider anything. His optimism can be misplaced (the Ukraine
war was a tougher nut than he thought), and his highly personalized diplomacy
can misfire (he got unnecessarily crosswise with Indian Prime Minister Narendra
Modi), but he can also prove all his doubters wrong.
The Washington cliché is that there is no limit to the
good you can do if you don’t care who gets the credit. Trump shows, to the
contrary, that sometimes there is no limit to the good you can do if you want
all the credit.
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