By Judson Berger
Friday, October 17, 2025
The Israel-Hamas deal has more fathers than a Jerry
Springer episode. Biden allies were all too eager to claim that his
administration laid the groundwork for the cease-fire and hostage return that
has, for now, put an end to two years of fighting.
But it’s difficult to envision anybody but President
Trump pulling off this week’s headline event. His mercurial blend of wheedling,
hectoring, arm-twisting, trash-talking, promise-making, and Iran-bombing —
combined with, of course, Israel’s military achievements and the work of his diplomatic team — helped compel both sides to the table in
the end.
“This doesn’t happen with President Kamala Harris or
President Mitt Romney,” Jeff Blehar writes. It didn’t happen with President Joe
Biden.
As counterintuitive as it might be to say, this kind of
breakthrough happens not in spite of Trump’s flaws but because of them. A more
couth, predictable, statesmanlike actor can be respected, not always feared — as
Hamas can testify. As a staunch Israel ally (who also shows tough love),
he’s been able to push Benjamin Netanyahu toward “yes” in ways his predecessors
couldn’t.
From National Review’s editorial:
Israeli military and intelligence
services displayed incredible acumen throughout the war against the terrorist
groups that surround Israel and the rogue states that sponsor them. And
President Trump and his deputies contributed mightily to this civilizational
achievement. Their clear-sightedness and diplomatic creativity delivered a
result that means Trump certainly deserves the Nobel Peace Prize, whether he
ever gets it or not.
Their elementary theory of the case
— defeat Israel’s enemies first and make peace with them second — eluded far
too many over the course of the war that Hamas started on 10/7. But it did not
elude the president.
The peace may not be lasting. A dispute over missing
hostage bodies already threatens it. Hamas could yet reconstitute and resume
its reign of terror over the Gaza Strip and beyond, drawing Israel into a new
phase of war. But as of this week, the blessed return of living hostages to
Israel after two years in captivity, and the deal that secured their release,
is Trump at his best.
Unfortunately, the worst of Trump comes with the bargain,
even as it makes the fruits of his administration, in cases like this,
possible. (I’m not saying we should be comfortable with this.) This past week
showed that paradox in action. Part of the reason Trump is feared, abroad and
at home, is that he does vindictive, extreme, seemingly irrational things to
those who cross him (imagine Trump delivering
the Bill the Butcher monologue to a protégé, on the value of “the spectacle
of fearsome acts”). Take his Justice Department’s pursuit of prosecutions
against political rivals and critics. While it’s too soon to assess the merits
of the case against John Bolton — the most recent figure to be indicted, for allegedly mishandling classified materials — the choice
of target sends an obviously deliberate message; Bolton, for
his part, denied the charges and accused Trump of weaponizing the
DOJ. The same goes for the indictments against James Comey and Letitia James.
As Dan McLaughlin writes of the latter case, “There appears to be enough law
and evidence on the side of this indictment to get it to a jury, but nobody has
any illusions that James would have been charged if she had not fired the first
shot at Trump.”
Would someone other than a payback president who
threatens “HELL” for Hamas bag the Mideast deal? It’s impossible to
know. But the account earlier this year from freed hostage Omer Shem Tov, that
his captors “wanted Kamala to be elected,” gives a sense of those odds.
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