By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, October 22, 2025
The Wall Street Journal has some dire
news for Democrats this morning. Not only is the GOP sitting on about $74
million more than their Democratic opponents, but the donors that could once be
counted on to contribute to the party out of power are closing their wallets.
“At one point earlier this year, the DNC reached out to
big donors to host a San Francisco–area fundraiser headlined by former Vice
President Kamala Harris,” the Journal reported by way of anecdote. Not
only did most “of the donors” respond in the negative, “one replied with a
profanity-laced rejection.” Those who could muster a more civil response said
they’d direct their political donations elsewhere until the Democratic Party
“produced substantive plans to win elections.”
The Journal noted in its obligatory to be sure
paragraph that the party that loses the last national election often tends to
lag in the fundraising department. In addition, Democratic donors continue to
support specific state-level candidates, including those contesting off-year
statewide elections in New Jersey and Virginia. Cash is also flowing to groups
advocating for mid-decade redistricting to compete with similar GOP plans in
states like Texas. Nevertheless, the national party is for now unloved and
forsaken by the big-dollar donor class.
To one progressive consultant, that’s nothing to mourn.
“It’s just the people with the money are deeply out of touch with what the
American people want and don’t want their party to do the things that win
elections,” said Tommy McDonald, a principal with the agency Fight, which promotes
candidates like Senator Bernie Sanders, New York City mayoral nominee Zohran
Mamdani, the theatrical congressman Gregorio Casar, and embattled Maine
oysterman Graham Platner.
The Democratic National Committee’s headaches aren’t
McDonald’s concern. As the Journal admits, the far-left candidates who
make up the roster of Fight’s talent “rely on a different set of donors” —
usually the small-dollar sort, who subsist on a diet of political theater and
hyperbole and who some have argued contribute mightily
to American political dysfunction. McDonald has few incentives to mourn the
decline of a competing power center that sucks up cash that could otherwise
find its way into his agency’s coffers.
The notion, however, that the deep pockets that invest in
the national Democratic Party want to lose elections, albeit in a
principled and face-saving way, is laughable self-pity dressed up as political
commentary. It is yet another indication that Democrats are succumbing to a
sort of fatalism that should be familiar to the GOP. “Failure theater,” “a losing club for losers,” “burn it all down” — these were the expressions of the
gloomy defeatism that helped Republicans convince themselves that they only
ever lost at the precise moment when the GOP had reached the high-water mark of
its legislative majorities in this century. As the Republican Party’s
subsequent trajectory suggests, that kind of fatalism is not necessarily an
obstacle to power — even if it puts unnecessary downward pressure on margins of
victory. But it often is.
If McDonald’s outlook prevails, it will — in the
near-term, at least — beget a smaller, more radical Democratic Party. That may
be just how the progressive fringe likes it, but it’s not satisfying to
high-dollar donors who want their party to assemble the largest possible
electoral coalition. But bigger coalitions invite the problem of ideological
heterogeneity. If you’d rather have an exclusive cozy club of like minds than a
political party, bigger isn’t always better.
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