By Kevin D. Williamson
Monday, October 13, 2025
I recently read The Feeling of Iron, a tale of
Nazi hunters in the 1980s written by the novelist Giaime Alonge and translated
from the Italian (Il sentimento del ferro) by Clarissa Botsford. It is a
decent but unremarkable little thriller that came highly recommended by a review
in the New York Times, the recommendations of which I will
henceforth devalue slightly.
Alonge is a professor at the University of Turin;
Botsford studied at Cambridge; the book was published by Europa Editions, which
is a real publishing house. And it contains a great many stupid errors, some of
them merely typographical, some of them intellectual.
This isn’t a book review and it is not going to be (very
much of) another of my exercises in firearms pedantry, but the gun-nuttery is
relevant to another point here, so bear with me briefly.
The story moves between Holocaust scenes in the 1940s and
the Contra insurgency in the 1980s, trafficking in a fair number of cheap
clichés along the way (a pedophile priest whose abuses add nothing to the plot
except another child rape in a story that wallows in many others; that old
canard about the CIA being somehow behind the introduction of crack into Los
Angeles in the 1980s, etc.) with a minor plot point involving a shell casing
ejected by something identified as a “9mm revolver” outfitted with a silencer.
You won’t need to be a gun-nut to see the problem there: While 9mm revolvers
are a real thing, they are pretty rare (the 9mm round was not designed for
revolvers and does not work especially well in them), and as far as I can tell
there were none at all in the 1940s, when that scene is set. Sound-suppressed
revolvers are rarer still—it is difficult as a matter of design to effectively
suppress a revolver. Suppressed handguns of any kind were still pretty exotic
during World War II—exotic enough that “Wild Bill” Donovan apparently felt the
need to stage a demonstration of one for Franklin Roosevelt, living up to his
nickname by firing one without warning in the Oval Office.
More to the point, revolvers do not eject shell casings,
so an assassin using one would not have to think about picking up his brass.
Your average voter out there, walking around with his
mushy-brained and half-educated opinions about this and that, doesn’t need to
know a great deal about firearms. Democracy insists upon enfranchising the
ignoramuses, who also get a vote on any number of other issues about which they
know little or nothing. Two cheers for democracy and all that. But if you
happen to be writing, translating, editing, or publishing a book about two
military conflicts, and if that book from time to time delves into details about
the weapons used in those conflicts, then, in that case, you might want
to know something about the subject. Intellectual tidiness is desirable in and
of itself, of course, but on purely literary grounds, errors of that sort pull
the more informed kind of reader out of the story—the analogous case is
science-fiction writing that gets the basic science wrong. It doesn’t work as literature.
It also doesn’t work as argument.
There is a whole rhetoric of mockery deployed in the
gun-policy debate, and you’ve probably heard examples of it, the idea being
that gun-rights advocates who correct people about the difference between a
clip and a magazine or a semiautomatic weapon and a fully automatic weapon were
just weirdos who are trying to avoid talking about the real issues—as though
the technical aspects of firearms design weren’t the actual issue. Ignorance
about firearms is taken as a kind of badge of honor, a sign that one is not one
of those people—the unwashed.
The root issue is snobbery. If you know any music snobs
or movie snobs, then you may have observed that a snob is not obsessed with his
own taste in music or movies—he is obsessed with your taste, with everybody
else’s taste, and takes pleasure not from the things he enjoys but from heaping
scorn on the things other people enjoy that he judged contemptible. People who
actually know things and who have a genuinely cultivated critical sensibility
tend to be the opposite of High Fidelity-style ranking-list snobs: My
friend Jay Nordlinger,
who is a classical
music critic when he is not doing one of his four
other jobs, is the least snobby person you will ever meet when it comes to
music. A critic is interested in music—a snob is interested in what his choice
of music says about him.
Snobs of that kind do not make very good intellectuals, a
word that I am here using broadly to include journalists, novelists,
translators, book editors, and such. Both opinion journalism and cultural
criticism in our time are deformed by the infantile self-obsession of
columnists and critics who are less interested in presenting interesting
observations or compelling writing than they are in cultivating a particular
self-image, the crippling notion of “personal brand” having seeped very deeply
into our assumptions about what it is journalists are there to do.
The unspoken question is: What does this say about me?
It is mad and tedious: Am I the sort of person who likes Taylor Swift’s
latest album? Am I the sort of person who toes the conventional progressive
line on trans issues? Am I the sort of person who now talks about “abundance”
as though it were a new idea? Etc. When the editor of the New York Times
opined that his writers “don’t quite get
religion,” he was making a genuine confession—but he was also making a
statement, one not entirely lacking in self-satisfaction, about what kind of
people work at the Times. (The right kind, you know.) Journalists and
critics have a hard time seeing the subject because they are standing in their
own way and cannot get a good view of it through themselves.
Journalists—and novelists and academics and such—are
meant to be curious. But there are certain matters, usually involving
social distinctions, that seem to provoke a kind of profound incuriosity in a
certain kind of person. Bill Maher (to repeat an example I’ve used before)
managed to make an entire film about the role of religion in modern life
without learning very much about religion. The principle of the “Ideological
Turing Test” holds that you do not really understand a dispute until you can
argue the other side of it in a way that would sound convincing to a person holding
that view. How many people who favor abortion rights or stronger gun control
can make the opposite case in anything other than the most superficial cartoon
terms? (You know: You oppose abortion because you hate women and you like guns
because of some gonadal insufficiency.) We would be better off if we did a
little bit more work understanding what people actually think (and why) rather
than inventing arguments that are designed to make us feel virtuous in
comparison.
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