By Nick Catoggio
Friday, September 19, 2025
There’s a theory kicking around that the White House
scored an “own
goal” by jawboning
ABC and Jimmy Kimmel so boorishly.
Kimmel had reportedly intended in Wednesday night’s show
to address the controversy over what he’d said
about Charlie Kirk’s killer—and his mood wasn’t conciliatory. “When the
[Disney] team reviewed Mr. Kimmel’s planned remarks, they grew concerned that
his monologue would only inflame the situation further,” the New
York Times reported.
According to a source who spoke
to the Wall Street Journal, the host “was planning to say that his
words were being purposefully twisted by some members of the Make America Great
Again movement.” He had also prepared a few choice thoughts for Federal
Communications Commission Chairman Brendan Carr, whose public belligerence
earlier that day apparently inspired a wave of doxxing and threats aimed at
Kimmel’s staff.
Disney executives didn’t want to make a bad situation
worse, so they yanked the show off the air.
The “own goal” theory is that if Carr and Donald Trump
had just kept their fat yaps shut, Kimmel would have gone on TV, put his foot
in his mouth again, and turned most of the country against him and ABC. Disney
might well have fired him amid the ensuing uproar, no government coercion
necessary. Instead of having to play defense on the issue of state censorship,
the right today would be on offense about another case of major media
alienating Americans with its tendentious left-wing biases.
In short, the “own goal” theory is that the White House overreached.
And it’ll probably go on overreaching,
eventually driving a wider popular
backlash to its campaign against free speech.
There are two things to say about all of that. One is
that it’s important to know what, specifically, Disney feared by letting Kimmel
speak on Wednesday night.
If the company’s leaders were worried that Kimmel would
hurt Disney’s bottom line by offending viewers and inspiring an advertiser
boycott, fair enough. The customer is always right. But if they were worried
primarily about further antagonizing Carr or some of those very fine people who
threatened Kimmel’s employees, we should want that intimidation exposed. If
Trump’s critics are going to be bullied into silence by the president or his
most feral supporters, better that Americans know about it rather than it
happening behind closed doors, where hecklers’ vetoes can and will be cowardly
disguised as “business
decisions.”
The other thing to say is that this isn’t actually an
“own goal.”
To believe that Trump and Carr made a strategic mistake
by not letting a grassroots backlash against Kimmel develop organically, you
need to believe that the president wants American institutions to fear
right-wing cultural power.
He doesn’t. He wants them to fear his power.
It would have done nothing for Trump personally if
spontaneous public outrage had driven Kimmel’s show off the air. He wants
cultural stakeholders to answer to him and his government—not Republican
consumers—for their crimes against MAGA. And he wants the right itself to warm
up to that idea by getting comfortable with the prospect of state censorship.
They’ve been whining about left-wing media bias for generations. It’s time to
let their hero do something about it.
It’s not a coincidence that he and his deputies were so
eager for Americans to know during the Cracker Barrel idiocy a few weeks ago
that the White House had spoken
directly to management about the restaurant’s new logo. Consumer pressure
alone probably would have led the company to revert to its old logo, but Trump
didn’t want to let an opportunity pass to spook corporate America by reminding
them that he’s always watching and prepared to act. Fear him, not his
fans.
As such, the “own goal” logic reminds me a bit of
Democrats muttering that the White House’s militarized crackdown on Washington,
D.C., is a “distraction” from things like health care and the Epstein files. It
isn’t; it’s the authoritarian program in full flower. Same with Kimmel and ABC.
The ostentatious jawboning isn’t an “own goal.” It’s the point.
Taking credit.
ABC News reporters repaid the president for his recent
demagoguery of their network by publishing a
big scoop on Thursday night. According to the story, Trump is planning to
fire the U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia, one of his own
nominees, because prosecutors there have been “unable to find incriminating
evidence of mortgage fraud against New York Attorney General Letitia James.”
The White House wants revenge on James after she pursued
Trump in New York and has latched onto evidence that she falsely claimed on a
mortgage document that the home she was purchasing would be her primary
residence. The problem, according to ABC, is that the loan officers who
approved her mortgage never considered the document. It’s hard to prove fraud
when the alleged victim wasn’t actually deceived.
If the report is true, it won’t
be the first time that the president has demanded that a U.S. attorney
subordinate the law to his own sleazy politics. It happened earlier this year
when the Justice Department pressured Manhattan prosecutors to dismiss an
indictment against New York Mayor Eric Adams in hopes of securing his
cooperation on immigration enforcement. In that case, the prosecutor resisted
dropping charges against a defendant who was probably guilty; in this case, the
prosecutor is resisting pursuing charges against a defendant who probably isn’t.
One is considerably worse than the other.
Eventually, Trump will be asked on camera whether the
report is true. What do you suppose he’ll say?
A traditional president would never concede that he fired
a lawyer for refusing to bring a vindictive, meritless prosecution against one
of his enemies. My guess is that the current one will cop to it frankly. Tish
James is guilty, Trump will declare, and anyone who can’t or won’t prove it
isn’t fit for the job. His new U.S. attorney will “find” the smoking gun, just
as he expected election officials in Georgia to “find”
the ballots in 2020 that would put him over the top there.
He’s going to take credit for firing the current U.S.
attorney—and it won’t be an “own goal” when he does. He wants other federal
prosecutors, not to mention the rest of American society, to understand that he
expects his antagonists to be persecuted and that all of us should conduct
ourselves accordingly. The jawboning is the point.
This also explains how a government crackdown on speech
ostensibly designed to punish leftists for Charlie Kirk’s murder has
transformed in the span of a few days into a crackdown to punish them for
criticizing Donald Trump.
“They’re giving me all this bad press, and they’re
getting a license. I would think maybe their license should be taken away,”
Trump said
yesterday when asked about Brendan Carr threatening television networks.
“When you have a network and you have evening shows and all they do is hit
Trump, that’s all they do—that license, they’re not allowed to do that.” (Fact
check: They are allowed to do that.) The week began with the right seeking to cancel
degenerates who celebrate political assassination, and it ends with the
White House seeking to cancel companies that let comedians tell lame jokes
about the commander in chief.
It’s not a strategic mistake: The jawboning is the point.
And I suspect the president is privately impatient with some of his fans for
continuing to pretend otherwise instead of embracing the idea and backing him
up on it.
Consider how he handled the subject of “hate speech” this
week. MAGA influencers blasted
Attorney General Pam Bondi after she hinted at prosecuting such speech, which
may have been their way of warning the White House to drop the idea. But Trump
was undaunted. He turned around the next day and implied that ABC News
should be prosecuted for “hate speech.” Then, on Thursday, he answered a
question about Charlie Kirk’s criticism of the concept of “hate speech”
this way: “He might not be saying that now.”
The same populist heroes who were dogging Bondi a few
days ago have been quiet about Trump’s more ominous comments. They’re beginning
to understand, I assume, that the president expects them to take the same
authoritarian shine to persecuting dissent that he has, notwithstanding what
they learned in school about the virtues of free speech. To repeat what I wrote
on Monday, he’ll demand that every right-winger choose between the First
Amendment and owning the libs by any means necessary.
Will it be an “own goal” politically when he does?
Frog-boiling.
It might be.
Case in point: Trump’s friend Tucker Carlson has spent
the last few years leaning ever more heavily into gonzo postliberalism, but he
sounded downright libertarian a few days ago on the subject of “hate speech.”
If laws punishing hateful speech are enacted, Carlson warned,
“there is never a more justified moment for civil disobedience than that. Ever.
And there never will be.”
Early polling on l’affaire Kimmel also suggests
potential for backlash. Asked how they felt about ABC taking Kimmel off the air
after the head of the FCC jawboned the network, 35 percent of respondents told
YouGov that they approved, versus 50 percent who disapproved. Moving
American opinion on a value as fundamental as freedom of speech will be a heavy
lift even for Trump.
But let’s not sell him short. He hasn’t put his shoulder
into it yet. And if you look closely, you’ll find some Republicans already
skating to where they expect the political puck will be by proposing, shall we
say, more nuanced views of the right of free expression.
“For all the concern about the ‘the First Amendment, the
First Amendment,’” former Trump White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany said on Fox News last
night, “what about all the amendments that Charlie Kirk lost? Because
Charlie Kirk has no amendments right now. None.” The government doesn’t gain
moral authority to deprive blameless citizens of their rights because a random
lunatic undertook to deprive another blameless citizen of his own, and a
Harvard Law grad like McEnany knows it.
But she also understands the choice that the president is
asking his supporters to make. And she’s making it.
If you doubt that support for “hate speech” argle-bargle
has room to grow in a political movement whose highest loyalty is to a lowbrow
authoritarian, chew on this
quote from Sen. Cynthia Lummis, a Republican from Wyoming.
“Under normal times, in normal
circumstances, I tend to think that the First Amendment should always be sort
of the ultimate right. And that there should be almost no checks and balances
on it. I don’t feel that way anymore,” Lummis added.
“I feel like something’s changed
culturally. And I think that there needs to be some cognizance that things have
changed,” she added. “We just can’t let people call each other those kinds of
insane things and then be surprised when politicians get shot and the death
threats they are receiving and then trying to get extra money for security.”
Cynthia Lummis knows
what time it is. Or, perhaps, she fears that Republican voters know what
time it is and that getting reelected will require her to pretend to know it
too. Either way, it sure doesn’t sound like she thinks Trump will be scoring an
“own goal,” at least in her blood-red state, by pushing for restrictions on
left-wing speech. Why should any of us feel more confident than a U.S. senator
does about the direction that our country’s right-most half is headed?
As for the polling, I doubt that the president will be
deterred if his position on free speech remains unpopular, as he’s surely
realized by now that many Americans don’t care about civics. Most will give you
the right answer if you ask them whether things like democracy or free speech
matter, but when it comes to voting—check the scoreboard.
Besides, Trump’s popularity has always been greater than
the sum of its parts. Nate
Silver’s polling tracker has his job approval underwater, in some cases
deeply, on an array of key issues—6 points on immigration, 16.8 points on the
economy, 20.7 points on trade, and 30.4 points(!) on inflation. Overall,
however, he’s just 6 points net negative, better than
Barack Obama or George W. Bush at this point in their second terms. His
support is and has always been extremely “sticky,” probably because those
who’ve gradually shed their morals and principles over time to remain on Team
Red are in too deep to divest now.
What’s one more principle at this point?
Trump will happily tolerate seeing his approach to free
speech lose lopsidedly in poll after poll if his overall support holds steady
as he goes about ruthlessly jawboning left-wing opponents while the rest of
institutional America cowers in fear. Republican voters will warm up to the
process, I expect, as they come to understand that the point of the effort is
to weaken liberal groups that might otherwise help Democrats win the midterms.
To the modern right, there’s no evil greater than the prospect of liberals
wielding power—even a small degree of power like control of one house of
Congress in a divided government.
And however Republican officials in government might feel
privately about Trump’s ambitions, they’ll keep their criticism gentle or muted
entirely. Presumably, they’ll end up doing the same thing they’ve done many
times before, most infamously during his 2021 impeachment trial: They’ll assume
that the courts will figure it out, sparing lawmakers from having to supply an
iota of civic courage.
So, no, I’m not sold on the idea that making a scapegoat
of ABC and Jimmy Kimmel was an “own goal.” That implies that Americans are
capable of mustering a degree of indignation sufficient to restrain the
president in his ambitions, and there’s simply
no evidence of that. The better understanding of what happened this week is
that it’s the latest
case of frog-boiling, desensitizing the country to abuses of power by
committing them openly and flagrantly. The president wants you to get used to
the heat. And he especially wants you to know that he can always turn it up
higher.
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