By Leon
Aron
Tuesday,
April 11, 2023
Late
last month, a Russian man who’s the single father of a 13-year-old girl was
sentenced to two years in prison for “discrediting the Russian
armed forces.” Aleksei Moskalyov’s conviction was for social media posts he had
written, but his ordeal had begun nearly a year before as the result of drawing
his daughter made. In early March, the daughter, Masha, had been
taken by police to an orphanage and banned from communicating with her father.
(Masha has recently been handed over to her mother, from whom
she’s been estranged for seven years.)
Masha
Moskalyova’s crime? Drawing a picture in sixth-grade art class of a mother and
a child next to a Ukrainian flag. In the drawing Masha wrote, “I AM AGAINST THE WAR!” She also drew “Glory to Ukraine”
on the Ukrainian flag with missiles flying from the Russian tricolor side with
“No to the War” penciled on the flag.
This is
not the first time Masha has been detained. Last year she was taken from school to a local office of the
Federal Security Service, and this past January she spent almost two weeks in
an orphanage.
Masha is
not alone. The police have also harassed the family of a 12-year-old
named Kirill, a sixth-grader who asked in class, “Why did
Putin begin the “special operation” in Ukraine?” and cried “Glory to Ukraine!”
in a school hallway. Two days later the police came to Kirill’s apartment. Home
alone, the boy would not open the door. The police cut off electricity and left
a note threatening to “deliver him by force” to the station.
Fifth-grader Varya and her mother were taken to a police
station after the girl allegedly “polled” her schoolmates by asking “Who are
you for: Putin killing Ukrainians or peace?”
According
to a Russian human rights organization OVD-Info, at least eight cases have been brought against
school children for “anti-war attitudes.” These are more than personal
tragedies. Like the war itself, they amount to another national shame and
calamity. Putin’s Russia is no longer an autocracy or even a military
dictatorship. It is descending into Stalinism.
In The
Gulag Archipelago, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn writes about Nina, an eighth-grader
arrested for a ditty in which she mused on the Germans’ taking Moscow as they
had just taken Smolensk. It was the first year of war, 1941, and as the Nazis
smashed the Red Army all the way to the gates of Moscow, Stalin’s NKVD and
SMERSH secret police “organs” hunted for “traitors,” “spies,” and “panic
mongers.” Nina was sentenced to five years in the gulag. Who was Nina’s sledovatel (interrogator
and investigator)? Solzhenitsyn demanded to know. What kind of a person would
authorize an arrest of a 14-year old girl “because of a rhyme?” Was he even
human? “What was his forehead like? Or his ears?”
By the
time of Mikhail Gorbachev’s glasnost revolution, most of Stalin’s
murderous sledovateli had been retired or dead, and none was
brought to trial. Yet some of the leading glasnost intellectuals suspected at
the time that the absence of retribution was a huge mistake. The names of interrogators
and jailers, they insisted, should have been made known so they could be judged
by moral, if not legal, criteria. “National pride without national historic
shame for crimes turns into chauvinism,” the poet Evgeny Evtushenko wrote in
1988. “Today we live not only among heroes and martyrs,” editorialized the
leadership of Ogonyok magazine, the flagship of glasnost, “We
also live among scoundrels, the scum. We must know them and execute them by our
contempt, for generations to come.”
Thirty-five
years passed between Stalin’s death and the advent of glasnost. This time
around, the reckoning shouldn’t have to take so long. The West should be able
to learn the names of the judges and police officers who sent Masha to the
orphanage and persecuted other boys and girls. They must be sanctioned just as
Putin’s aides, ministers, military officers, and oligarchs have been.
More
important still, a national moral cleansing of a post-Putin Russia requires
sanctioning and restitution. Without such a reckoning, the country would again
risk slipping into toxic dreams of victimhood and revenge, and succumb to
imperial conquest and barbarity. Those who are tormenting Masha must be known
and seen—their miens, their foreheads and their ears.
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