By Rich
Lowry
Tuesday,
April 11, 2023
Decades from
now, when scholars are debating how the executive branch jumped the rails of
any legislative accountability or rational rules, the new Biden administration
Title IX edict should be the prime exhibit.
It is a
sweeping expansion of regulatory power, not in the service of the original goal
of the underlying statue, but in opposition to it.
This is
brazen even for the Biden administration, with its student-loan-forgiveness
program and rent moratorium.
The new
draft rule forbids blanket bans on transgender athletes competing in sports
against athletes of their adopted gender, but it allows, in theory,
more-narrowly tailored prohibitions. This is being portrayed as a moderate,
compromise approach to the issue. It is nothing of the sort. The more
fundamental issue, though, is that it lacks any foundation in the law.
Congress
passed Title IX ensuring equal access “on the basis of sex,” and President
Richard Nixon signed it into law in 1972. The idea that Nixon and leaders in
Congress — the likes of Tip O’Neill and Hale Boggs, Mike Mansfield and Robert
Byrd — considered sex the same as gender identity is too ridiculous for words.
No one
began seriously conflating the two until recently. If justice demands that
Title IX encompass gender identity, then the solution is very simple — Congress
should amend the statute.
Why
bother with such “Schoolhouse Rock” notions, though, when Title IX can be
rendered infinitely malleable?
First,
the Biden administration last year redefined the law, without any warrant, so
that “sex” includes “stereotypes, sex characteristics, pregnancy or related
conditions, sexual orientation, and gender identity.” And now there’s going to
be an entire new regulatory regime devoted to ensuring that the participation
of trans athletes in sports meets the Biden administration’s standards.
Congress
passes a law protecting and encouraging women’s sports, and lo and behold, 50
years later the law is being used to make sure that as many males as possible
are competing against females.
Here the
road to hell isn’t even paved with good intentions, but bad-faith
interpretations of the law imposed by people who know they can’t win democratic
assent for their cultural agenda.
The
order tilts all one way. As a Department of Education fact sheet says, “the
Department expects that sex-related criteria that limit participation of some
transgender students may be permitted, in some cases.” That makes it sound as
though such limits will be the exception rather than the rule — and for good
reason.
School
districts and colleges are going to have to undertake what the New York
Times calls “a multipronged assessment of whether or not to restrict
transgender athletes from playing on their preferred team.”
They
will have to evaluate criteria by sport, by level of competition, and by grade,
and figure out whether a prohibition is “substantially related to the
achievement of an important educational objective,” whatever that means. A
school’s rule will not pass muster, according to the department, if it “chooses
not to minimize the harm” to transgender athletes.
Given
where the Biden administration is coming from on this issue, and the complexity
involved, schools are going to default toward allowing male athletes to compete
against women.
When the
final rule is issued, it will surely become even more proscriptive, and the
eventual enforcement regime will tighten up even further. Litigation by
left-wing advocacy groups will add another layer of de facto enforcement.
The most
physical sports — think football or wrestling — will probably remain separated
by sex, but everything else will likely fall afoul of the new rule, or will at
the very least exist under a pall of potential regulatory and legal headaches.
The
draft rule is an affront to Congress, an affront to federalism (it clearly
targets the roughly 20 states that have bans on males competing against
females), and an affront to girls and women who simply want to compete against
one another when they play sports.
The
executive branch is now more beholden to “woke” imperatives than to the U.S.
constitutional system.
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