By Noah
Rothman
Tuesday,
April 25, 2023
In
a sprawling exit
interview with New
York Times reporter David Wallace-Wells, the outgoing director of the
National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases — whose remit extended
well beyond his station — makes little effort to hide his bitterness.
Confronted with the criticism that so much of the public-health guidance in
this period was less about epidemiology and more reflective of the Biden White
House’s “economic, political, and social” priorities, Fauci bristled at the
implication:
Certainly there could have been a better understanding of why people
were emphasizing the economy. But when people say, “Fauci shut down the
economy” — it wasn’t Fauci. The C.D.C. was the organization that made those
recommendations. I happened to be perceived as the personification of the
recommendations. But show me a school that I shut down and show me a factory
that I shut down. Never. I never did. I gave a public-health recommendation
that echoed the C.D.C.’s recommendation, and people made a decision based on
that. But I never criticized the people who had to make the decisions one way
or the other.
On a
human level, Fauci’s irritations are understandable. He resents the suggestion
that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention could or even should behave
like a political body, which is why it was absurd for the Biden White House to
hold fast to the notion that Congress had provided the CDC with the authority
to, for example, abrogate the
rights of American property owners by implementing a moratorium on evictions.
That’s
not Fauci’s fault exactly, but nor did the doctor register his dissatisfaction
with the mid-pandemic status quo that so empowered him. We don’t have a
document with Fauci’s signature on it authorizing the shuttering of schools and
businesses. We do, however, have an extensive record of his public statements
indicating that shuttering schools and businesses was the right course of
action.
“If you
have a situation where you don’t have a real good control over an outbreak and
you allow children together, they will likely get infected,” Fauci warned
in April 2020. The
doctor proffered this definitive observation in response to a reporter who
asked him if Florida governor Ron DeSantis’s decision to allow in-person
education on school grounds was wise. “People under 25 have died of the
coronavirus disease in the United States of America.” What conclusion would a
school administrator who, like so much of the nation, hung on Fauci’s every
word in the early stages of the pandemic take away from this admonition but
that in-person education was an unnecessary risk?
As early
as May of that year, Fauci all but
ruled out the
prospect of a safe return to schoolrooms the following autumn. “The idea of
having treatments available, or a vaccination, to facilitate the reentry of
students into the fall term would be something that would be a bit of a bridge
too far,” he insisted.
That
summer, Fauci engaged in a public-relations campaign with the aim of scaring
young people into withdrawing from the outside world in areas of the country
with high Covid-19 transmission rates. “You have a responsibility to yourself,
because I think thinking that young people have no deleterious consequences is
not true,” he scolded America’s youth. “We’re seeing
more and more complications in young people.”
On the
eve of the fall semester, the doctor had begun to entertain the notion that
some schools in low-transmission regions could begin to consider investigating
the prospect of possibly ruminating on the value of thinking about reopening
schools. Maybe. At the same time, however, he added that
states with high rates of infection (a category in which most of the country fell, according to the CDC’s criteria)
“may want to pause before they start sending the kids back to school for a
variety of reasons.”
In April
2021, amid a resurgence of the virus, Fauci bemoaned the public’s diminishing
enthusiasm for Covid-related mitigation measures. Indeed, their flippant
disregard for the advice emanating from the public-health bureaucracy, Fauci
hinted, might just compel policy-makers to punish them once again with
something like a second wave of lockdowns.
“We’re
essentially tempting another wave,” he complained. “That would be a setback for
public health, but that would be a psychological setback too, because people
have what we call COVID-19 fatigue, and we don’t want to have to go back to
shutting things down.” That is an odd thing for the doctor to subtly threaten
the nation with if he, in fact, lacked the authority to act on it and would
never advocate such a thing in the first place.
For
months, Fauci has tried
to retcon the nation into
believing that he never advocated Covid-related shutdowns of any sort. Those
assertions are in conflict with Fauci’s rather
unambiguous boast to reporters in October 2020: “I recommended to the president that we shut the
country down.”
There is
no ambiguity in that; no room for good- or bad-faith interpretation. Fauci’s
frustration with those who are setting the record straight today is a product
of his own arrogance. He projected absolute confidence in his assessment of his
own talents and foresight during the pandemic. Now that this confidence proved
misplaced, he has been reduced to attacking the credibility of those whose only
offense was to record his public comments.
Fauci’s
lament isn’t that the historical record is getting him wrong. It’s that
it’s getting him right.
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