By
Jeffrey Blehar
Wednesday,
April 12, 2023
Senator
Tim Scott of South Carolina has announced the formation of an exploratory committee for the
2024 Republican presidential nomination. For those unaware, forming an exploratory
committee is a traditional preliminary for a presidential run; I cannot
remember when a politician created one and then failed to pull the trigger on
an actual campaign. That means that Tim Scott is in for 2024. Is he in it to
win it? The question matters less on an analytical level than what the act
signifies.
In the
wake of November 2022’s electoral flameout, strategically inclined
(“wishcasting” also works here, to be fair) conservatives often voiced the hope
that DeSantis, by dint of strong head-to-head polling versus Trump, might
“freeze the field” — in other words, discourage any serious entrants into the
race who would prevent it from coalescing around a basic Trump/non-Trump binary
choice. This, of course, is what Trump wants to avoid at all costs, which is
why he has welcomed both the ambivalent Nikki Haley and the oleaginous Vivek
Ramaswamy into the race rather than attacking them. (I don’t think Trump has
even bothered to mention former Arkansas governor Asa Hutchinson, a sad comment
on a candidacy that seems as relevant to the 2024 race as that four-day-old
anchovy pizza in the back of the fridge is to your next mealtime.)
And now
Tim Scott has entered, guaranteeing that two well-known South Carolina
politicians will be running in a race that — fancy that — just so happens to
feature South Carolina as a critical early primary state. Assuming that both
the Scott and Haley campaigns make it all the way to South Carolina — more
likely than not, when pride is at stake in an early primary state — this
guarantees a four-car pileup between them, Trump, and DeSantis. Given the loyalty
of Trump’s base, he has the most to gain; I imagine him plowing through the
rest of their mutually self-wrecking campaigns like the Grave
Digger at a monster truck rally.
Scott’s
entrance into the race should not be overinterpreted; he has been telegraphing
a 2024 candidacy for well over a year now, so it cannot be attributed to
opportunism or DeSantis’s perceived weakness per se. But it is also true that
the failure of the non-Trump vote to coalesce around DeSantis — he is in danger
of bleeding out primary votes to his left if he moves too far to the right in
pursuit of Trump voters who will not be shaken from their allegiance — and the
polling that shows no particular weaknesses in Trump’s overall command of the
field have made this a risk-free play for Scott and others to try.
It is
the others that will tell. Keep an eye open for a boomlet of mid-level entrants
into the Republican race — e.g., a candidate like Chris Christie who likes to
throw a punch and can command media attention in a way Ramaswamy evidently
cannot — if you want a sense of the stakes the candidates truly believe
themselves to be playing for. It will not necessarily be a happy indicator: It
will, by my analysis, suggest that all involved have conceded Trump’s
inevitability as the Republican nominee and are instead auditioning either to
succeed him, work for him, or reclaim what is left of his wreckage.
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