By Noah
Rothman
Thursday,
April 27, 2023
If
you’re like the 70 percent of
Americans who
don’t want to see Joe Biden run for president again, 79 percent of whom cite to
some degree his advanced age as the reason for their trepidation, the president
is eager to allay your concerns.
“What do
you say to them?” one reporter
asked. “What do you
say to those Americans who are watching and aren’t convinced?” To this, Biden
replied mechanically. He redirected reporters’ attention away from the polling
on voters’ discomfort with the president’s empirical
decrepitude to
his job-approval numbers, which Biden defended as middling and, therefore,
unremarkable compared with past presidents. “Number two,” Biden replied,
glancing down at the lectern, “when the same polling asked whether they think
what kind of job I’ve done, it gets overwhelmingly positive results.”
“With
regard to age, I can’t even say I guess how old I am,” Biden added
extemporaneously.
“It doesn’t — it doesn’t register with me.” He concluded: “I feel good.”
It was a
practiced response, which makes sense considering the White House press shop
probably had plenty of time to practice a response to this reporter’s inquiry.
Enterprising
reporters armed with telescopic lenses attending that press conference captured the
stack of cards the
president was holding at the time, one of which featured the name and image of
the reporter slated to ask “question #1.” Moreover, that card included the
contents of the question that was to be posed to the senescent president.
This
revelation led some political observers to wonder whether the White House had
been soliciting reporters’ questions ahead of time to prepare the president’s
response, which, of course, they had. Indeed, this presidency has been
soliciting reporters’ questions from its outset.
Just two
weeks after Biden’s inauguration, the Daily
Beast’s Maxwell Tani revealed one such solicitation, which occurred during “an informal
White House Correspondents Association Zoom call.” At the time, however,
reporters bristled at the request. One unnamed reporter spoke for all those who
one of Tani’s sources said were “pissed off” by the implication that media
would collude with the White House they were covering: “The press can’t really
do its job in the briefing room if the White House is picking and choosing the
questions they want,” the unnamed reporter objected. “That’s not really a free
press at all.”
Apparently,
the Fourth Estate has managed to overcome the objections to this practice when
the lessons learned during the Trump administration were still fresh in its
members’ minds. As Tani observed, Trump-era White House press secretary Sarah
Huckabee Sanders “was known to have asked certain news outlets about their
questions in advance” of high-profile pressers — overtures that were summarily
rejected.
Tani
also cited Obama-era deputy White House press secretary Eric Schultz, who
insisted that the Biden administration’s conduct was all part of their attempts
at “restoring normalcy.” White House communications professionals often seek
out a general sense of what their likely questioners are working on, he said,
and pre-select which reporters will be called on and which won’t.
That
assertion contrasts with the indignation directed at Donald Trump for what
the New York Times described in 2017 as filtering
out “tough questions” during press conferences.
Amid the
scandal engulfing Trump’s first national-security adviser, Michael Flynn, Trump
was accused of steering “formal questions to two conservative-leaning news organizations,”
which avoided the controversy of the day in favor of “general queries about
trade and immigration” — the ostensible subjects of his press conference
alongside Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau. “The lack of questions about
that or Mr. Flynn drew protests from journalists, both inside and outside the
East Room,” the Times noted. Indeed, the Times’ write-up
of the event appeared to share their indignation over the president’s effort to
use reporters as a shield in order “to avoid scrutiny on a major running
story.”
How
would the Times describe Biden’s successful effort to draft
journalists into the effort to dispel voters’ concerns about the doddering
president? We can’t say. The paper of record avoided making a note of the White
House’s apparent solicitation of reporters’ questions in its Wednesday dispatch
from the Rose Garden. Reporter Katie Rogers gave a workmanlike
account of the
president’s defense of his capabilities, providing context only by citing
Trump’s meandering review of Biden’s performance — thereby establishing the
contrast Biden himself drew with his predecessor to justify his pursuit of a
second term.
This
episode puts into stark relief the aggravation journalists have displayed
toward Florida governor Ron DeSantis, who has come
under fire for
elevating local reporters and niche venues over mainstream reporters and legacy
media outlets. Indeed, the unstated but discernible subtext in coverage of
DeSantis’s media strategy is the fear that his conduct is rapidly emerging as
best practice, particularly for office seekers on the right. Maybe DeSantis
won’t be answering the questions that preoccupy newsrooms in the Acela
corridor, but at least he won’t be cribbing off a cheat sheet.
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