By Noah Rothman
Thursday, March
17, 2022
A new nuclear deal with Iran, in substance
or principle, may be imminent. But the circumstances that would produce such an
arrangement ensure that it would not bring peace. It may not even postpone war.
On the night of March 13, a volley of
rockets launched from inside Iran rained down on targets in the Iraqi city of
Erbil near enough to a U.S. consulate compound that it left no ambiguity about
Tehran’s targets. That attack, the Associated Press reports, bolstered
arguments both for and against a new nuclear deal. How? “For the
administration,” the AP
continued, “it confirmed that Iran would be a
greater danger if it obtains a nuke.” In other words, Iran must be rewarded for
shooting at Americans lest it continue to shoot at Americans. This mindboggling
logic tacitly admits that a new nuclear deal is a product of duress; we are
deterred by the mere potential of an Iranian bomb.
In the administration’s efforts to keep
negotiations over an Iranian program from collapsing, the White House is
already sacrificing its relationships with America’s partners in the region.
Following the Iranian missile strike, administration officials told New York Times officials that the American facilities that were struck were not,
in fact, Tehran’s target. Those officials lent credence to an Iranian narrative
that the strike was a response to an Israeli airstrike in Syria in which
Iranians operating a secret drone factory were killed. Tehran, the unnamed
officials insisted, was actually targeting secret Israeli training facilities
inside Iraq.
If that is true, the White House had just
revealed the shocking and previously deniable existence of Israeli military
facilities inside Iraq. If it isn’t true, it was a repulsively craven display
designed to let the White House squeeze out of its obligation to defend U.S.
interests from brazen attacks by rogue states. Either way, it was a betrayal of
Israel and a display of weakness that will beget future attacks on the symbols
of American might in the region.
Saudi Arabia isn’t taking the news well
either. The Saudis are perhaps the most unnerved by the prospect of a nuclear
accord that would not stop Iran from getting a bomb but would provide Tehran
with renewed influence in the Middle East. Riyadh has been engaged in a hot war
against an Iran-backed proxy militia in Yemen for the better part of a decade,
and it had reason to expect that the U.S. would support its objectives on the
Arabian Peninsula. This would only make sense. The Houthis represent a threat
to international shipping in the Gulf of Aden and they’re responsible for
launching attacks aimed at
American forces based in the United Arab Emirates.
But the Saudis have been cut off by the Biden administration, and its headlong
rush into a new nuclear deal with Iran signals that the Kingdom may have to go
it alone. So, the Saudis are doing just that.
Saudi Arabia is reportedly intensifying
talks with China that would result in a deal that
allows Beijing to purchase the millions of barrels of oil it receives from the
Kingdom in yuan, not dollars. Such an arrangement would advance China’s goal of
making its currency a globally tradable commodity, challenging America’s
financial dominance and aiding in Beijing’s quest to create a parallel
financial system that undermines the West.
The administration’s hunger for something
resembling a new JCPOA is already undermining it’s full-scale economic blockade
of Russia. The United States wants Moscow to take custody of Iranian nuclear fuel,
and Moscow needs sanctions relief. Apparently, everyone is getting what they
want.
Reuters reports that the U.S. will not enforce economic
sanctions against Russia that are related to
the full implementation of an arrangement to limit Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov told reporters this week that Moscow has
received “written guarantees” from the United States confirming these reports,
and the State Department isn’t denying his claim. “Perhaps it is now clear to
Moscow that the new Russia-related sanctions are unrelated to the JCPOA and
should not have any impact on its implementation,” a functionary at Foggy
Bottom told Axios. Even as Moscow starves, freezes, and bombs Ukrainian civilians on an
industrial scale, negotiators in Vienna still view Russia as a good-standing
member of the community of nations.
All of these sacrifices are unlikely to
achieve Washington’s primary objective: forestalling the development of an
Iranian nuclear weapon. The terms of a new accord, insofar as they are known,
are weaker than
the original JCPOA, which allowed Iran to preserve its
nuclear know-how, left its centrifuges intact, did not address Iranian missile
development, and gave Tehran a free hand to execute proxy attacks throughout
the Middle East. A new deal and the sanctions relief that is expected to
accompany it will leave Iran richer, more powerful, and more influential in its
neighborhood, all while pushing back the estimated time it will take for Iran
to “break out” a fissionable device by a whopping six
to nine months.
The U.S. is sacrificing more in pursuit of
a new Iran deal than it will gain from such an agreement. The Biden
administration should go back to the drawing board.
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