National Review
Online
Tuesday, March
29, 2022
Faced with real economic
pain, President Biden proposes to tax imaginary income.
Biden has had some very, very stupid ideas
in his 50 years in public life. We won’t say that his latest “billionaire” tax
proposal is the dumbest of them, but it’s on the top-ten list.
Biden’s proposed “Billionaire Minimum
Income Tax” — which, of course, is not actually limited to billionaires — is an
economically illiterate and very likely unconstitutional proposal that purports
to make the very wealthy pay their “fair share,” in the conventional language
of Democratic demagoguery. It would do so in part by taxing some high-income
people on money they haven’t made yet, combining the worst features of the IRS
with the worst features of Minority Report.
There are a few obvious problems with
Biden’s latest folly. The first and most obvious is that the wealthy already
pay a lot more than their proportionate share of federal income tax: According
to IRS figures, the top 10 percent of households by income already pay more
than 70 percent of all federal income taxes, though they collectively earn less
than half of all income. The top 1 percent make about 20 percent of all income
but pay 40 percent of the federal income tax — their income-tax burden is twice
their share of income.
The dishonest rhetoric about millionaires
and billionaires paying a lower tax rate than middle-class Americans
intentionally conflates different kinds of income. The very wealthy pay a
higher income-tax rate on their salaries than do those with lower incomes, and
they pay the same tax rate on investment income as lower-earning workers do.
The difference is that very high income earners usually make more of their
money from investments than they do from salaries. You don’t become a
billionaire by having a salary of $200 million a year and putting most of it in
the bank — fortunes in the billions are usually associated with starting a new
business, which is why the wealthiest Americans are almost to a man attached to
corporate names you know. In order, those are: Tesla, Amazon, Microsoft,
Oracle, Facebook, Google, Berkshire Hathaway, Bloomberg, Walmart, Nike, and the
very lucrative business of getting divorced from Jeff Bezos.
Capital and entrepreneurship go where they
are valued: There is a reason Elon Musk emigrated from South Africa to Canada
to California to Texas.
The United States, like many other
countries, taxes investment income differently from how we tax salary income.
Part of that is to offset the fact that dividends are paid out of income that
already has been taxed once at the corporate-income level, and part of it is
because we want to encourage entrepreneurship and risk-taking. It is one way to
entice innovative and energetic people to initially work for nothing — or lose
money — starting new businesses rather than taking comfortable six-, seven-, or
eight-figure jobs at established companies or working on Wall Street. The
United States is better off being home to Apple and Tesla than it would have
been if the people who started those companies had become investment bankers or
real-estate developers.
It is far from a perfect system, but it is
a pretty good one. (Quick, what’s the most successful Internet start-up
from Germany?) The wealth and income created through that kind of
investment is an important driver of U.S. prosperity — not only for the
billionaire founders of companies but also for their employees, customers, and
business partners.
You may have heard the rumor that
sometimes stock prices go down as well as up. If you buy a share at $1 and it
goes up to $2, then you’ve made $1 — if you sell the share and collect the
gain. But that $1 share bought on Monday that goes to $2 on Tuesday may very
well be $1.40 on Wednesday and $0.65 on Friday. The Biden proposal would tax
“unrealized gains” assessed at an arbitrary point — irrespective of whether the
investment actually makes that much money, or any money at all, or loses money.
So-called mark-to-market rules are a useful tool in some contexts, such as
assessing the financial health of a bank for deposit-insurance purposes, but
mark-to-market is a capricious and destructive way to calculate an individual’s
income tax. It is capricious and destructive when it is the county tax-assessor
giving your house a notional market value for tax purposes — imagine the federal
government trying to do that for something as fluid and complex as whatever it
is that Andreessen Horowitz is up to this week.
The proposal is economically absurd, and
probably illegal. The 16th Amendment empowers Congress to “lay and collect
taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived,” but unrealized investment
gains are not income — they are, at best, potential income.
Investments are also potential losses. That’s how investment works.
If the Democrats want a Scandinavian-style
welfare state, then let them propose Scandinavian-style taxes, too. What’s
different about the United States compared to the European welfare states
admired by our progressives is not taxes on the very wealthy but taxes on those
in the middle and upper-middle. In the United States, a married couple earning
$110,000 a year (1.5 times the median household income) would pay a top
marginal rate of 22 percent; in Sweden, the equivalent couple (earning 1.5
times the median income) would pay 57.2 percent, a little more than two and a
half times as much.
If you don’t like that idea, there are
alternatives: fixing our entitlement system, making some necessary reforms to
the tax code, and — let’s not forget this one — not spending money like
idiots. What’s needed in Washington is genuine fiscal reform and fiscal
discipline, not sophomoric demagoguery, gimmicks, and stunts.
The so-called billionaires’ tax deserves
to be laughed out of Congress. Let’s hope it is.
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