By Jonah Goldberg
Wednesday, November 05, 2025
They’ll take away my Pundit Decoder Ring if I don’t say
something about the election results the day after Election Day. But that’s not
really what I’m going to be writing about. So as Grizzly Adams told the
bouncer: Bear with me.
Going into Election Day, the conventional wisdom among
the pros I generally trust was that if the gubernatorial candidates in New
Jersey and Virginia didn’t win by more than 6 points—Kamala Harris’ margin of
victory in those states—it would be a disappointment for Democrats and a bad
omen for the midterms (to the extent any of this actually matters for the
midterms a year out). Both Mikie Sherrill and Abigail Spanberger more than doubled Harris’ margin.
Meanwhile, the Virginia House of Delegates was a
Republican bloodbath. Indeed, the most interesting result from yesterday wasn’t
either governor’s race or Mamdani’s win in New York City, it was that Democrat
Jay Jones, the guy who wished
to see a Republican legislator murdered, or for the man’s children to be
murdered, won (doing a point better than Harris!).
That feels like an omen or indicator or bellwether or
whatever term I’m supposed to use to describe the feeling of “uh oh” among
Republicans.
Personally, I think the best possible result—not
necessarily for New Jersey or Virginia but for the country—would have been for
the moderate normie-adjacent Democrats to win like they did, but for Mamdani
and Jones to lose. The message would have been that sane centrists are the path
to victory for Democrats (and eventually Republicans) but intifada-inflected
socialism and cavalier violent rhetoric were political dead ends. Instead,
everybody in the Democratic Party gets the data points they want. The socialists
get to say, “We’re the future” and so do the moderates. What Republicans learn
from this remains to be seen, and even if they take the right lessons I’m not
sure it will matter given Trump’s ability to enforce his will on the party.
Though it feels like this means the shutdown’s days are numbered.
That concludes the rank punditry portion of this
“news”letter.
Costless courage.
One of the things that I’ve always detested about a
certain segment of the left is what I often call “bravery on the cheap.” We saw
a lot of it during the George W. Bush years. Some critics of the administration
would assert that Bush
was Hitler reincarnated and then pretend they were Martin Niemöller
heroically speaking truth to power by opposing him. Hollywood was full of this
sentiment. Actors would win an Oscar® and use their acceptance speech to vow
they won’t be silenced or some such.
It was all B.S.
For starters, telling an auditorium full of Hollywood
liberals exactly what they wanted to hear didn’t take a lot of courage. The
last time I saw real courage at an awards ceremony, it was when Ricky Gervais
told the assembled bigwigs that no one cares about their political opinions.
The much more important point is this: If Bush was
Hitler—or even Hitlerish—very few of these people would say boo about
him, because they’d be terrified. It was precisely because Bush was not anything
like Hitler that people could criticize him without paying any price at all.
Martin Niemöller was sent to a concentration camp. Naomi Wolf got a book
contract, Michael Moore got another movie deal, etc.
A lot of protest-addicted people are like the dogs who
act ferocious when they’re on a leash or behind a door. But when the leash
comes off, they smell the other dog’s butt and say, “It’s all good.”
I mean, look at how Hollywood and academia have kowtowed
to China over the last decade. They can’t even be counted upon to oppose
a foreign authoritarian regime when doing so comes at a price. The
anti-Bush vitriol was all performative bravery on the cheap precisely because
there was no price to pay and, often, there was ample upside.
George Orwell made a related point as only Orwell could.
People revered Gandhi for his courage in speaking truth to power against the
British, without ever acknowledging that it was precisely because the British
were British—i.e., a liberal people—that his nonviolent tactics could
work.
Gandhi, Orwell wrote,
“believed in ‘arousing the world’, which is only possible if the world gets a
chance to hear what you are doing. It is difficult to see how Gandhi's methods
could be applied in a country where opponents of the regime disappear in the
middle of the night and are never heard of again.” There are any number of
legitimate criticisms of British rule in India, but if the British were
Hitlerite or Stalinist, no one would know who Gandhi was.
Why am I bringing this up? Because today elements of the
right are playing the same game.
I’ll start by making a provocative observation. There is
a very good case to be made that Donald Trump is the best friend Israel has
ever had in the Oval Office, with the possible exception of Harry Truman, who
was the first world leader to formally recognize the state of Israel. It is
certainly the case that many Israelis believe this. So does my friend John
Podhoretz, a far closer student of these things than most. One doesn’t
necessarily have to agree completely with this observation to concede that it is
not just plausible, but actually quite defensible. Unlike any previous
president, Trump gave Israel a green light to defeat its enemies. It remains to
be seen whether the strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities were as successful as
the administration claims or as friends of Israel hope, but the mere fact that
Trump did it is huge. The Abraham Accords were arguably the greatest triumph
not just of the first Trump administration, but of any administration with
regards to securing a peaceful future for Israel.
When was the last time you heard about Tucker Carlson,
Candace Owens, Kevin Roberts, Matt Gaetz, et al attacking Donald Trump for
being a supporter of Israel? To be fair, they have offered moderate criticisms.
In June, Tucker whined that the attack on Iran made Trump “complicit
in an act of war”—which was kind of true. But then he called Trump to apologize. How much
credit you get for speaking to power when followed up with an apology I’ll
leave to others.
The point is that for all the meek, brief, and discrete
criticisms of Trump’s support for Israel, these people offer orders of
magnitude more chest-puffed outrage and obloquy for the Jooz, AIPAC, “Zionism,”
“neocons,” and “organized Jewry,” as Nick “Team Hitler” Fuentes likes to say.
It’s all pathetic bravery on the cheap.
It’s amazing how often we hear people whine that any
criticism of Israel is labeled “antisemitic.” “You can’t say” this or that
about the perfidious bagel-snarfers and their illegitimate country or you’ll be
“canceled.” And yet, most of what one reads and hears about such matters in the
mainstream media, from the U.N., from podcast bros, is highly critical of
Israel. Whole courses are taught in elite schools about Israel as a
“settler-colonial” outpost of the American empire or some such. Pat Buchanan made
such claims into a lucrative cottage industry. There’s a whole think tank
(sorry, “action tank”) basically
dedicated to this line of thinking. Israel-hating Zohran Mamdani, who just a couple
years ago said that, “When the boot of the NYPD is on your neck, it’s been
laced by the IDF,” was just elected mayor of what Jesse Jackson famously called
“Hymietown.” Sure, Jackson apologized, but he wasn’t “canceled.” Nor was Al
Sharpton canceled for railing against Jewish “interlopers.”
And none of the right-wing jabroneys have been canceled either. They’re all
making bank off “speaking truth to power” against a strawman.
Let’s take seriously the idea that Jews “control”
everything, including, as recently
reelected Democratic member of the Council of the District of Columbia
Trayon White once claimed, the weather. More specifically, White claimed
the Rothschilds control the weather to profit from natural disasters. Just to
be bipartisan, Marjorie Taylor Greene famously
endorsed the idea that the Rothschilds have space-based laser-shooting
lasers for similar reasons. Let’s take such ideas seriously. Do you think all
of these people would be saying such things if they actually believed it?
Some are legitimately crazy, so maybe they would. But
most of these people say this crap precisely because they know at some deep
level it’s nonsense. It sounds courageous to ignorant people, but it’s
actually a form of soul-sickening cowardice.
I don’t want to get into another disquisition on
horseshoe theory, but I think the cowardice on the right comes from the same
place as it does on the left.
The word antisemitism was coined by Wilhelm Marr to give
Jew hatred a modern, scientific-sounding veneer of seriousness. Before the
emancipation of Jews in Europe, Jew hatred was primarily theological. Marr and
his heirs wanted to reconceive it as an essentially racial or biological
phenomenon. But what drove it was resentment over the comparative success of
Jews in an era when Europe’s version of caste and class was unravelling. How
dare this hated and persecuted minority, liberated from their ghettos and backwaters,
do so well at so many different things, despite all of the formal and informal
obstacles put in their way?
The reason for Jewish success is actually pretty simple.
Jews are rich—in social and cultural capital. They emphasize education, thrift,
and hard work. There are high levels of inter-Jewish trust. If you have even a
passing familiarity with Max Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
Capitalism it’s not hard to understand that same argument applies to the
Jewish ethic (even though Weber himself didn’t exactly apply it to the Jews and
what he dubbed their “pariah-capitalism,” which was necessitated by their,
well, pariah status).
In short, liberal societies are really good for Jews, and
their success often arouses envy and resentment (it also invites admiration and
emulation). Jewish success, demographically and economically and in the form of
Israel, just pisses some people off. And in a populist age where any success is
attributed to a “rigged system,” Jews become scapegoats. If one group is
underperforming according to the identitarian left or right, it’s because “the
system” is rigged against them. Therefore, the comparative success of another
group—Jews, Asians, Mormons, etc.—must be explained by the same logic: They’ve
rigged the system for their benefit.
So much of nationalism—both its left-wing and right-wing
varieties—basically rests on identitarian logic. Nations are personified.
Personal resentments are scaled up into national resentments. Terms like
“self-determination” are used as if entire nation-states operate with a single
will and identity. “National liberation” almost becomes the pluralized version
of personal liberation. In Europe this sort of thinking created
ethno-nationalism—a modern idea, regardless of what some nationalists claim.
The idea that whole nations were akin to a single organism made up of
biologically bound-together true Germans, Russians, etc., was one of the prime
sources of modern antisemitism. Those pariahs, enemies within, many
nationalists claimed, were poisoning or diluting national purity.
All of this sort of thinking is weaponized against
Israel, too. Israel is seen as a foreign body in the Arab and Muslim Middle
East. It is deemed an artificial intrusion, despite the biblical, historical,
and archeological fact that Israel and the Jews have at least as much of a
birthright to the region as any other people, religion, or nation.
Israel’s success is cast as unfair given the dysfunctions
and failures of her neighbors (See? I even used a personal pronoun to describe
a whole country, and it seems totally normal). Israel must be a beneficiary of
a similarly rigged geopolitical system, or because its Zionist agents in
America have rigged the American system for its benefit.
It’s all conspiratorial hogwash, for reasons I don’t have
room here to lay out. But I will make one point about the most commonly
trafficked claim by the faux truth-tellers. The story that many on the new
right tell is that America keeps fighting wars for Israel. It’s asserted this
as if it’s something everyone knows, when it’s all a slander and a lie. The
most common version of the story begins with the first Iraq war and rests
almost entirely on bogus nonsense peddled by Pat Buchanan. The first Iraq war was
not on behalf of Israel, regardless of how much Buchanan insisted it was. Iraq
invaded Kuwait, not Israel. George H.W. Bush was a deeply honorable man, but he
was not overly generous toward Israel; he hailed from the “even-handed” school
of foreign policy when it came to Israel and the Middle East. When Bush cobbled
together the coalition to oust Iraqi forces from Kuwait, he excluded Israel
from it (for the benefit of the Arab members of the coalition, who bankrolled
much of the war). Israel was not particularly in favor of the war. They hated
Saddam Hussein, but they also saw Iraq as a check on Iran, Israel’s greater
enemy. Israelis believed America was taking its eye off the ball by focusing on
Iraq. When Saddam Hussein launched Scud missiles at Israel, America demanded
that Israel not retaliate. In this sense, Israelis died for America’s war, not
the other way around.
But throughout all of this, Buchanan insisted that
America was doing the bidding of the Israelis and their “amen
corner” in America. It was an antisemitic lie. And that lie, along with the
conspiracy theories that give it plausibility to the ignorant and the
ignominious, has colored discussion of Israel and the Jooz in Buchanan’s amen
corner ever since.
Alas, the new right has convinced itself that Buchanan was “right about almost everything.” That’s why Kevin Roberts of the Heritage Foundation recently beseeched President Trump to bestow the Medal of Freedom on him. What Roberts didn’t do is criticize Donald Trump for being the best friend Israel has ever had—because Roberts, who has condemned antisemitism, is nonetheless convinced that the right desperately needs the energy and passion of those who heroically speak truth to power against the strawman of organized Jewry but lack the courage to pick a fight with the President of the United States. Because that might actually require paying a real price.
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