By Jim Geraghty
Wednesday, November 05, 2025
We’re going to take yesterday’s elections in ascending
order of importance, but first, the big picture.
We’ve all heard President Donald Trump offering his usual
spiel — “I’m the greatest, I’m the most popular, everybody loves me,” etc.
Well, as of this writing, the president’s job approval in the RealClearPolitics
average is 43 percent. If you’re wondering about the range, CNN has it
at 39 percent, Rasmussen Reports has it at 47 percent. On the economy, Trump’s
job approval is at 41.4 percent in the RCP average.
Those are pretty lousy numbers, and they’re deadweight to
any Republican candidate running right now. Yes, Virginia, New Jersey, and New
York City are varying shades of Democratic blue. But when you have an
omnipresent president and widespread economic pessimism — 74 percent of Americans describe economic conditions as only
fair or poor — it’s just an enormous headwind blowing against any GOP
candidate. There’s still a year between now and the 2026 midterm elections, but
the Republicans have good reason to worry. Americans still feel like the cost
of living is too high — and tariffs make retail prices go up.
In Virginia, 47 percent of exit poll respondents said the
most important issue was the economy, 21 percent said health care, 12 percent
said immigration, 11 percent said education, and 6 percent said crime. In New
Jersey, 36 percent of exit poll respondents said the most important issue was
taxes, 32 percent said the economy, 16 percent said health care, 7 percent said
immigration, and 3 percent said crime.
Texas’ 18th District U.S. House race
You won’t hear me criticize Texas Governor Greg Abbott very often, but
Houston-area Democratic Congressman Sylvester Turner died way back on March 5.
The state could have held a special election to fill his seat well before
yesterday, but Abbott chose to wait until this autumn because he claimed Harris
County needed “sufficient time to prepare for such an important election.”
Coincidentally and conveniently, that left House Democrats down a man for much
of the year.
In Arizona, Democrat Raúl Grijalva died on March 13, and
the special election to fill his seat was held on September 23. In Virginia,
Democrat Gerry Connolly died on May 21, and the special election to fill his
seat was held on September 9.
In a special U.S. House election in Texas, all
candidates, regardless of party affiliation, run on a single ballot. If no
candidate gets a majority of the top two vote-getters advance to a runoff. With
16 candidates running, one candidate winning a majority was never a likely
scenario. Christian Menefee and Amanda Edwards, two Democrats, are slated to
advance to the runoff. This was never a particularly promising district for
Republicans, scoring a D+21 in the Cook Partisan Voting Index.
Where this election does matter is that the partisan
margin in the U.S. House of Representatives, already tight, is gradually
shrinking. The House currently has 219 Republicans and 213 Democrats. Democrat
Adelita S. Grijalva, who won her father’s old seat in Arizona’s special
election, is waiting to be sworn in, and so when the House reconvenes, it will
be 219 to 214. When one Democrat wins that soon-to-be-scheduled runoff, it will
be 219 to 215. Republicans are currently short one representative they would
usually have; Mark Green of Tennessee’s 7th district resigned on July 20. The special general election will be held on December 2.
Pennsylvania Supreme Court Retention Elections
In 38 states, voters elect justices to the state Supreme
Court. In Pennsylvania, Supreme Court judges are elected statewide and serve
ten-year terms. The seven-member state Supreme Court has five Democrats and two
Republicans.
This year, Democratic state supreme court justices
Christine Donohue, Kevin Dougherty, and David Wecht faced a retention election
— meaning they faced no declared opponent; voters were just given the options
of “yes” or “no” on another ten-year term. “If the vote is yes, the judge stays
on. If it is no, the governor can appoint a temporary replacement subject to
the approval of the state Senate. An election for a replacement to serve a full
10-year term is then held in the next odd year, which means that if a judge
isn’t retained this year, voters won’t pick a long-term replacement until
2027.”
Defeating a state supreme court justice in a retention
election in Pennsylvania is a tall order; it’s only happened once since the state constitution was last
updated in 1968. Still, considering the long-term
consequences of three state supreme court justices for a ten-year term in a key
swing state, it’s a bit surprising that these retention elections were
completely under the radar of the national press.
Last night, all three Democratic state supreme court
justices won their retention races by comfortable margins, 61 percent to 39
percent. Knocking off one or more of the justices was never going to be an easy
task for Republicans, but they didn’t really put much effort into it.
California’s ‘Gavinmander’ Passes Easily
There are currently 43 Democrats representing California
in Congress, and just 9 Republicans. Under the “Gavinmander” mid-decade restricting, that would likely
shift to 48 Democrats and just four Republicans. When you hear “mid-decade
restricting,” your ears should translate that to “getting rid of competitive
swing districts.”
In the 2024 election, some of those nine Republicans won
in part because they had heavily Republican districts. Doug LaMalfa’s first
district in the northeast corner of the state scores an R+12 in the Cook
Partisan Voting Index.
But a bunch of those House Republicans were in swing
districts and won because they were the better candidate, or were better
funded, or out-hustled their opponent.
Kevin Kiley’s second district scores an R+2. Young Kim’s
40th district in Orange County is only R+1. Ken Calvert’s 41st district,
encompassing Palm Springs, is just R+2. Even Darrell Issa’s 48th district is
just R+7.
Democrats have been trying to win these districts for
several cycles now. They’ve concluded that it is just easier to redraw the
lines so that these districts don’t exist anymore.
As of this writing, with an estimated 71 percent of the
votes counted, the “Gavinmander” passed, 63.8 percent to 36.2 percent.
Virginia Veers Hard to the Left
If you’ve been listening to the Three
Martini Lunch podcast, you’ve heard Greg Corombos and me lament this
all autumn long. Whether it was YouTube, streaming services, or regular
broadcast television, I felt like, since September, I was seeing Abigail
Spanberger commercials morning, noon, and night. Meanwhile, only in the past
few days did I see ones for Winsome Earle-Sears. I wondered if that reflected
my living in Fairfax County.
Apparently not, because Earle-Sears got shellacked last
night; with more than 95 percent of the votes counted, Spanberger leads, 57.5
percent to 42.3 percent.
Shortly after 7 p.m. last night, Virginia Republicans got
comfortable openly stating what had been obvious for a while: Earle-Sears was a
weak candidate, radioactive in vote-rich northern Virginia, running a campaign
far too focused on the issue of men in women’s bathrooms. (While that worked for
Trump nationwide, it didn’t win him the state of Virginia, which was the state
Earle-Sears was supposedly trying to win.) Remember those exit poll numbers
above indicating nearly half the electorate thought the economy was the most
important issue? Earle-Sears didn’t seem interested in talking about it.
Note that a late October Roanoke College poll found
Virginia’s governor, Glenn Youngkin, limited to one term, with a 50 percent approval rating and a 36 percent disapproval rating.
If you’ve got a Republican governor whose approval is 14 percentage points
ahead of his disapproval, you want to have that guy all over your advertising
and doing every event possible.
Down ticket, it turns out all those yard signs are
incorrect; hate does indeed have a home here. Jay Jones won the state attorney
general’s race with 53.1 percent, as of this writing. Yearning to see the
children of your Republican colleagues murdered cost Jones a couple of
percentage points.
The Virginia House of Delegates currently has 51
Democrats, 48 Republicans, and one vacancy. As of this writing, in the next
session, it will have at least 61 Democrats and at least 31 Republicans. This
was a blowout, and one with serious consequences for how Virginia is governed
for the next four years.
New Jersey
GOP gubernatorial candidate Jack Ciattarelli kept it
really close against Phil Murphy four years ago, so lots of Republicans hoped
Ciattarelli’s floor would be comparable to that result.
Instead, the floor collapsed under Ciattarelli’s feet. We
get used to Republicans over-performing their final averages in the RealClearPolitics
average, and the final RCP average had Ciattarelli trailing by 3.3
percentage points. As of this writing, with more than 95 percent of the votes
counted, Ciattarelli is losing to Democrat Mikie Sherrill by 13 percentage
points.
Once again, the top-of-the-ticket landslide will have
down-ticket consequences, but the silver lining for the GOP is that the state
legislature was already heavily Democratic. Heading into last night, the New
Jersey state assembly had 52 Democrats and 28 Republicans. As of this writing,
Democrats will start the next session with at least 49 Democrats and at least
18 Republicans.
Escape From New York, Debuting in January
We can argue whether the New York City mayoral race is
really the most important, but indisputably, Zohran Mamdani made himself a
national figure over the course of this campaign. He is likely to become the
new Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez or Nancy Pelosi, a figure used to represent the
furthest left wing of the Democratic Party in GOP attack ads.
And with more than 2 million votes cast in the mayor’s
race — the highest voter turnout since 1969 — Mamdani will argue he has a
mandate. As of this writing, Mamdani is still above 50 percent. The “Curtis
Sliwa should drop out” argument was moot; even if every Sliwa voter could have
been convinced to vote for Andrew Cuomo — an extremely unlikely scenario —
Cuomo would have fallen short.
Exit polling indicated that if you were a New York City
voter under 40, you were extremely likely to vote for Mamdani. If you were 50
or older, you were extremely likely to vote for Andrew Cuomo (with support for
Curtis Sliwa in the mid-teens). You will see many theories for this, but I will
note that if you are younger than 45, you likely have no memory of the Cold
War, and thus “socialism” and “communism” are just abstract concepts to you.
I don’t want to soft-pedal the amount of damage Mamdani
can do as mayor. But in the coming months and years, he is likely to be
frustrated with how little unilateral power he has as mayor.
The mayor cannot unilaterally raise taxes in the city.
The New York City Council sets property tax rates, and the personal income tax rates are set by state law and
administered and collected by the New York State Department of Taxation and
Finance. Any tax hikes will have to be approved by the state legislature in
Albany. Mamdani gets sworn into office on New Year’s Day; Governor Kathy Hochul
and members of the New York state senate and state assembly are up for
reelection in November 2026. None of them will be particularly eager to raise
taxes in an election year.
Mamdani wants to make it free to ride city buses. Bus fares
are controlled by the Metropolitan Transit Authority board. The MTA
structure is . . . complicated,
but the bottom line is that the mayor has limited influence over it:
Legally, it is an independent
corporation, run by a board of directors. As the MTA told its bond investors as
recently as February, it is “a corporate entity separate and apart from the
state, without any power of taxation.” The MTA board has 14 voting members —
six recommended by the governor directly, including the MTA’s chairperson and
CEO, and four recommended to the governor by the mayor (the remainder
come from other downstate New York counties) and approved by the state senate.
For Mamdani to establish his city-run grocery stores, he
can use the city’s Economic
Development Corporation, which already runs six New York City public markets.
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