By Michael Warren
Friday, November 14, 2025
On the first day of June 2020, as the COVID lockdowns
persisted and protests over the death of George Floyd by Minneapolis police
were already causing unrest in multiple American cities, Tucker Carlson—then
the highest-rated host on Fox News—called up the Heritage Foundation.
According to four former Heritage employees familiar with
the call, an angry Carlson told a member of the senior staff that he was
planning to go hard after Kay Coles James, then the president of the
conservative think tank, on his TV show that night. “He was hot,” recalled the
employee who took the call. So hot, in fact, that some rattled senior Heritage
staffers convened strategy sessions on how to handle what they expected
to be a direct attack on Heritage and Coles James. (“If I disagree with people,
I like to tell them directly,” Carlson said over text message when asked about
the call.)
What had the president of Heritage done to earn the ire
of the No. 1 guy in cable news? Coles James, a lifelong conservative and a
black woman born in segregated Richmond, Virginia, had penned
an op-ed for Fox News following the death of Floyd, calling racism a “fatal
wound” on the country and urging Americans to “speak up and reject the racism
and division in their own communities.” The op-ed also called on America to use
the “country’s founding principles” to “guide us” to a better future for all
its citizens.
To Carlson, though, Coles James’ words were emblematic of
how conservative leaders had “joined the left’s chorus” in criticizing America.
At the beginning of his June 1 show, Carlson delivered a lengthy
monologue following a weekend of violent protests in some cities. In the
middle of his nearly half-hour-long broadside, Carlson singled out Coles James
and Heritage: “That's the largest conservative think tank in the country. You
may have sent them money, hopefully for the last time.”
Carlson went on. “Kay Coles James wrote a long screed
denouncing America as an irredeemably racist nation,” he said—failing to note
that her op-ed was not only published by his own employer but also did not, at
any point, describe America as “irredeemably racist.”
That one-two punch—criticizing Coles James and calling on
his legion of viewers to stop donating to the organization she led—sent
shockwaves into the halls of Heritage itself. Carlson was not only a very
popular cable-news host but, to many in the conservative movement, the leader
of the younger, more nationalist vanguard. For those within Heritage who saw
Coles James as a dinosaur, a representative of an outdated version of
conservatism, Carlson’s attack on her was confirmation that Heritage was being led
down the path toward irrelevance. And even those who had hoped Coles James
could resist the more radical and unmoored right-wingism embodied by Carlson
were disappointed that perhaps she was not up to the task.
Carlson was still steaming about Coles James a month
later when, as a guest on
The Federalist’s podcast, he ranted about the uselessness of
conservative organizations like Heritage. “Kay Coles James is not going to run
the Heritage Foundation a year from now,” he said.
And Carlson was right. In March 2021, Coles James would announce
she was resigning from Heritage, ending her rocky and transitional presidency
of one of the pillars of the conservative movement in Washington. Carlson was
at least partly responsible for her departure, with his public and private
diatribes against Coles James creating an untenable situation for her. Some
board members had already expressed their dissatisfaction that she and Heritage
had been insufficiently helpful to Donald Trump’s presidency and reelection
effort—an odd charge to make against a nonprofit, independent, quasi-academic
policy shop that had always been ideological but never overtly partisan.
Drawing the ire of Carlson and being out of step with where the energy of the
movement was? That didn’t help matters.
Her successor was Kevin Roberts, the former head of a
conservative think tank in Texas who promised to be a steward of the
institution’s legacy while leading it into the future. But in the past two
weeks, Roberts’ own leadership of Heritage has been threatened
by an entanglement with Carlson—though this time, the problem was not that
the Heritage president had angered Carlson but that he had embraced him too
tightly after the host had welcomed neo-Nazi
Nick Fuentes onto his online show. It seems that every time Heritage has a
problem, Carlson is somehow involved.
“I try to stay away from think tank people,” Carlson told
The Dispatch over text. “In general they’re boring and dumb.”
Boring and dumb or not, it’s simply not true that he
keeps his distance from this particular think tank and its people. Carlson’s
influence at Heritage over the past several years is undeniable and even
recognized by the organization itself. He was, in fact, the
recipient of Heritage’s Salvatori Prize in American Citizenship in 2018
(“Congrats to my friend,” Coles James tweeted at
the time) as well as the keynote
speaker at Heritage’s 50th anniversary celebration in 2023.
Heritage had also spent lots of money advertising on Carlson’s X show, both
before and after the 2024 election, with Carlson himself doing personal ad
reads urging viewers to go to “heritage dot org slash Tucker” to donate. In
fact, in part of his “explanation” to the Heritage staff about why he had
defended Carlson after the Fuentes interview, Roberts noted that the
organization had “just concluded a paid media partnership with Tucker in the
summer.”
But Roberts’ bear hug with Carlson is what has also led
many people who care deeply about the organization to shake their heads at how
he’s shaping the institution. "Tucker ruined Heritage,” lamented one
former senior staffer.
The story of Carlson’s stranglehold on an aging
conservative think tank is part of a larger saga of how multiple institutions
on the political right have suffered from an identity crisis in the age of
Donald Trump. As the standard-bearer for the GOP, Trump brought to America’s
conservative party a populist energy along with a darker approach to partisan
politics. He had a clear disdain for the conservative movement and its
institutions, and to the extent that he had interest in them it was to either
co-opt them or to revel in their unraveling.
With an unprincipled and vindictive president as the
Republican Party’s leader, the organizations and establishments built on
conservative principles found themselves faced with the choice of adapting to
the more populist times or risk being left behind. In that space, ideologies
that looked askance at the classical liberalism that had informed American
conservatism for decades began to find their footholds: Common-good
conservatism, national conservatism,
and what had once been called “paleoconservatism” were supposedly more popular
with young activists than the “dead consensus”
of “warmed-over Reaganism.”
That these ideologies—more enamored of domestic
government intervention, suspicious of American global leadership, inclined
toward industrial economic policy, and privileging an idealized version of the
past—mapped relatively neatly onto Trump’s own issue set was a feature, not a
bug. Trump and Trump-style conservatism looked, and continues to look, like the
future.
In this environment, the leadership of the Heritage
Foundation has appeared confused. People familiar with the makeup of the board
of trustees say it contains several strong personalities who have wanted the
organization to be a more muscular and potent force for effecting conservative
change. For some of those trustees, that would mean harnessing the forces of
nationalism and populism, not rejecting them. For other trustees, however,
maintaining Heritage’s connection to its founding principles of limited government,
social conservatism, and a strong national defense seemed all the more
important as those principles came into question in the Trump era.
The trustees’ selection in 2018 of Coles James, an
amiable Reaganite conservative with close ties to the organization’s founder,
Ed Feulner, reflected how unsure the Heritage board was about the longevity of
this new populist gesture that had elected Trump in what looked at the time
like a fluke election two years earlier.
In replacing her with Roberts, who is 25 years her
junior, the board demonstrated its desire to have a younger voice argue for an
unhyphenated conservatism that was both big-tent in its outreach and consistent
in its principles.
And that’s how it appeared at first. “I never put an
adjective in front of that word,” Roberts said when describing himself as a
conservative during his
first address to the Heritage staff after his selection as president in
October 2021. A few minutes later, Coles James took the stage to welcome
Roberts as her successor. “I have never been more optimistic about the future
of Heritage,” she said.
Any optimism from traditional conservatives about Roberts
evaporated fairly quickly, however. Within his first year on the job, Heritage
scholars and staff began to see a sharp change in how the think tank handled
issues with which they were out of step with the political urges of the
Republican base—or, to put it another way, with Carlson. This was particularly
the case on the issue of providing weapons and funding for Ukraine, which
Carlson had vehemently
opposed on his influential nightly program.
Back in 2022 Heritage’s lead Ukraine expert, Luke Coffey,
had
argued that it was in the United States’ best interests to defend an
independent Ukraine. But Coffey later
told The Dispatch that he had not been consulted about a May 2022 press
release from Heritage Action, Heritage’s political advocacy sister
organization, urging House Republicans to vote against funding for Ukraine.
Coffey left Heritage soon after.
There were other signs that under Roberts Heritage was
moving closer to Carlson-ism, from entertaining
conspiracy theories about the January 6 riot on Capitol Hill to partnering
with nationalist youth political organizations like the Bull Moose Project,
whose stock in trade seemed to be engaging in incendiary rhetoric
and playing
footsie with the groyper movement.
By October 2023, Roberts had completely embraced this new
conservatism, calling himself a “recovering neocon” and speaking
at the annual gala for The American Conservative, the magazine
founded by Trump’s ideological forerunner, Pat Buchanan. “The globalist,
ideological hubris that overtook the Washington Republican establishment at the
end of the Cold War—and still dominates elite institutions today—was wrong from
the beginning,” Roberts said at the gala. (Buchanan, whose views are in vogue
among young national conservatives these days, ran in the Republican
presidential primary in 1992 on a populist platform that presaged today’s new-
right priorities. Roberts has said
he volunteered for the Buchanan campaign.)
Whether Roberts had an earnest change of heart or simply
saw where the wind was blowing in the run-up to the 2024 presidential election,
the result has been frustrating for traditional conservatives for whom Heritage
was once the gold standard. Heritage has institutionally
abandoned many conservative principles—free enterprise, American leadership
on the world stage, constitutionalism—in favor of a grab bag of positions that
track both with the priorities of the Trump administration and the particular
whims of Carlson.
What will that mean in the medium and long terms for
Heritage, once Trump is off the scene? “The board is divided about what the
future should be,” said the former senior staff member.
Amid that division, it seems that at this rate the future
of Heritage is one in which Carlson stands astride the rubble of the
once-venerable organization.
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