By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, July 29, 2026
It’s been a long fall for Dr. Anthony Fauci. Four years
ago, he was hailed as real-life Atlas — the avatar for an army of selfless
physicians and medical professionals and proof that bureaucracy and competence
were not incompatible concepts. Today, Fauci is invoking his right against
self-incrimination in what may be a fruitless effort to avoid accountability
for what Republicans allege was a pattern of misconduct. And for all his
troubles, Fauci’s performance before a congressional committee on Wednesday may
yet result in a criminal referral. After all, what else would you call that
spectacle but “contempt?”
A few dead-enders
still enamored with the fictionalized account of Dr. Fauci that ensorcelled so
many liberals in the depths of the pandemic mounted a half-hearted attempt to
defend his honor. But they seemed more outraged by the GOP’s behavior than
aggrieved on Fauci’s behalf.
The left’s indifference is understandable. Why bother? As
an instrument of political utility, Fauci is a spent force.
There’s a reason why, more than any other public health
official under Trump at the outset of the pandemic, Fauci so quickly became a
dashboard saint to the American left. No other figure in public life had the
demonstrable power to convince the public to subordinate their financial
self-interest to the state, severing the bonds of community and family that
mediate the personal and the political.
Even as public officials with more propriety assured
Americans throughout the Covid years that a return to “normalcy” was the goal —
“or as normalized as you can be, post-Covid,” in former New York Governor Andrew Cuomo’s formulation — a segment of the American left
convinced itself that returning to normal would be worse than the perpetuation
of the pandemic.
Vox’s Sigal Samuel called it the kind of anxiety that “might be
worth cultivating.” Theirs was a fear of returning to a world in which mental
health was incompatible with “the rigidity of the modern workday,” a world of
wealth disparities and racial inequity, a world defined by “harmful systems”
and no collective will to alter them. “We shouldn’t go back to ‘normal,’” he
admitted. “Normal wasn’t good enough.” That outlook was hardly exclusive to the
far-left fringe. “There is no getting ‘back to normal,’ experts say,” CNN’s headline read. “The sooner we accept that, the
better.”
This outlook was overrepresented in the Biden
administration. His White House fast lost sight of its initial modest objective — putting “the nation back on a path to
get closer to normal.” By the fall of 2021, Fauci told reporters in the first weeks of Biden’s
presidency, he hoped only that America would “start approaching some degree of
normality.” After all, “our lives are not going to be the same,” Barack Obama’s
CDC director, Thomas Frieden, contended. If these were only prudent
expressions of uncertainty, they wouldn’t have erred only in one direction —
and there would not have been consequences for administration figures who
diverged from that depressing pattern. And as 2021 drew to a close, Fauci
abandoned normalcy as a goal in favor of advocating the pandemic’s anti-social practices indefinitely.
Fauci was never an honest broker. When it came to the “herd
immunity” threshold, the doctor “acknowledged that he had slowly but
deliberately been moving the goal posts” in an interview with the New York
Times. He convinced Biden not to relax the federal government’s recommended
vaccination schedule because that would be “a logistical and messaging
nightmare” — as if pandemic-era guidelines were ever static, and best practices
should be subordinate to the ease with which they’re communicated. Fauci has
defensively insisted that he never insisted on the closure of schools, in
accordance with the demands of core Democratic constituencies like the
teachers’ unions, although his diary tells a different tale. But we don’t need
the diary to indict Fauci’s mendacity. As he boasted to reporters in October 2020, “I recommended to the
president that we shut the country down.” Quote, unquote.
None of this diminished his standing in progressive eyes.
Rather, it seemed to intensify the affection for him. Whether he was a man of
the left himself was immaterial. He was a man of the state.
At the height of his power, Fauci had his hands in nearly
every aspect of American statecraft — from its foreign policy to the preservation of Americans’ constitutional rights — and he would often
contradict Democrats who displayed any sensitivity to the public’s demand for
normalcy, the president included. It was power he managed to amass,
in some reasonably significant measure, due to the cultural phenomenon around
him. In his private musings, Fauci indulged his own celebrity. He never seemed
to recognize it for the contrivance that it was.
Fauci was the perfect technocrat; impassive, disdainful
of public opinion, and single-minded in his assumption and application of state
power. That’s what they loved about him. But just as Andrew Cuomo discovered
that the cult around him — what with the prayer candles,
ornamental “love gov” socks, and celebrities confessing their “Cuomosexual”
tendencies — wasn’t sincere, Fauci has learned the hard way that he was only
ever useful. Now, he’s not.
It was the doctor’s own hubris that brought him low, but,
of the many miscalculations he made, believing himself to be anything other
than a tool in his political allies’ hands was his gravest.
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