By Noah Rothman
Monday, July 20, 2026
New York magazine’s David Freedlander assembled a
variety of juicy quotes from Democratic insiders for his piece on Kamala Harris’s insatiable hunger for power.
Most of those insiders seem only to want Harris to go away.
Some took the diplomatic track. They’d profess their
undying affection for the former vice president but also wonder if she can
raise the requisite funds or stay focused on the future given her inextricable
association with Joe Biden’s administration. Others were less tactful. “I hope
she runs,” said one Democratic strategist. “Because then she will lose and we
will never have to hear from her again.”
As Freedlander observed, Democratic political professionals are inclined to
respond either with that fury or with a “heavy sigh followed by a long pause”
when the subject of Harris’s ambitions arises. Democrats haven’t recovered from
the trauma they experienced in 2024. And as long as Harris’s advisers continue
to torment them with the delusions that they’re deploying to draw Biden’s veep
back into the limelight, they won’t.
To the claim that nominating Harris would only force
Americans to relitigate the Biden years, for example, her brain trust offers
this compelling rejoinder: Nuh-uh.
“Look how quickly voters forgot about Trump’s first
term,” said one Democrat in Harris’s orbit. “People have short attention spans
and short memories, and for all the criticisms that could be directed at Biden
today, who knows what they [will] think 12 or 16 months from now.”
That’s just nonsense. Americans hadn’t forgotten about
Trump’s first term by 2024. Not only did they remember it, they remembered it
fondly. Trump’s “nostalgia bump” was revealed in surveys of American voters and widely reported
in mainstream outlets. Harris’s allies are asking Democrats to internalize a
revisionist history of the 2024 campaign. That’s a lot to ask of anyone, much
less those who owe you nothing.
Just as Americans still remembered Trump’s first term by
2024, they remember the Biden administration today. And their outlook has not
improved. For instance, Donald Trump’s approval rating when it comes to
immigration is, today, underwater. His heavy-handed approach to deportations and
the sometimes-deadly confrontations between ICE agents and protesters in the
streets have left a sour taste in voters’ mouths. But Trump’s troubles have not
redounded to the Democratic Party’s benefit.
In May, with ICE-related scandals dominating the news for months, CBS News’s pollsters found that only 34 percent of voters
believed the Democratic Party had “the better approach to immigration right
now.” Trump and the Republicans? Thirty-eight percent. Voters remember not just
Biden’s lax approach to border enforcement (with which Harris is intimately affiliated) but also the financial hardships
they struggled with during the Biden years. While just under one-third of
respondents said Democratic policies would “help” reduce their costs of living,
41 percent said they expected those policies to “hurt” their prospects.
The former vice president’s aides know they have an
uphill battle ahead of them if they’re to recapture the party from Harris
skeptics. Oddly, their response to that adversity has been to attempt to muscle
the party’s establishment into submission.
Presumably, it was Harris’s boosters who were quick to
remind Freedlander that women and minority voters “are the backbone of the
Democratic Party,” and Harris is both. Democratic institutionalists should
know, therefore, that “any attempts to knock her down a peg will risk getting
into thorny issues of race and gender.” Oppose her ascension too strenuously,
they seem to warn, and Democrats risk “bogging down the party with questions
about identity.”
That’s not even a thinly veiled threat. But is it
credible? Harris staffers think so. “A number of staffers for potential 2028
candidates pointed to the recent Texas Senate primary,” Freedlander wrote, “in
which James Talarico ultimately prevailed over Jasmine Crockett but did so at
the risk of alienating key Democratic constituencies in the process.”
What are they talking about? Talarico’s victory over
Crockett has not riven the Texas Democratic Party with racial strife. To survey the latest New York Times/Siena College poll
of that race, Texas Democrats are perfectly happy with their party’s Senate
nominee. Talarico enjoys the support of nearly two-thirds of young voters, 56
percent of women, 60 percent of Hispanics, 80 percent of black voters, and 94
percent of the Democratic Party. Indeed, one of the demographics with whom
Talarico performs best is Harris 2024 voters, 95 percent of whom are backing
the Democratic candidate.
Maybe the Democratic Party can be cajoled and coerced
into giving Harris another shot, but Freedlander’s piece won’t persuade her
critics to keep their qualms to themselves. Harris’s aides seem to have utterly
misread the landscape, and they vastly overrate the leverage their candidate
has over the party she seeks to commandeer.
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