By Jonah Goldberg
Wednesday, February 11, 2026
President Trump says that “Republicans” should “nationalize
the election” or at least take over voting in up to 15 places where he says
voting is corrupt. His evidence of fraudulent voting is that he lost in such
places in 2020, and since it is axiomatic that he won everywhere, the reported
results are proof of the fraud.
This is all delusional, narcissistic nonsense. But at
this point, if you still claim it’s an open question whether Trump actually
lost the 2020 election (he did), you’re immune to the facts or just
lying—either about not having made up your mind or about what actually
happened. So, I don’t see much point in relitigating an issue that was
literally litigated in more than 60 courtrooms.
But Republicans’ inability simply to tell the truth about
Trump’s lies makes talking about elections and election integrity infuriatingly
difficult. One tactic is to assert that Trump didn’t say what he plainly said.
“What I assume he meant by it is that we ought to pass—Congress ought to pass
the SAVE Act, which I’m co-sponsor of,” is how Sen. Josh Hawley responded
to questions about Trump’s remarks.
Before later correcting himself, Louisiana Sen. John
Kennedy insisted the president never said he wanted to “nationalize” the
elections. “Those are your words, not his,” he told reporters.
But Democrats are wrong to suggest that all of the
difficulty is generated by Trump’s lies and the Republicans’ inability to
reject them.
On Sunday, ABC News’ Jonathan Karl asked
Democratic Sen. Adam Schiff, since “the Republicans have undermined confidence
in elections and the integrity of elections,” why not have a photo ID
requirement for voting?
Schiff scoffed at the idea that Democrats should cave to
“the distrust [Republicans] created in order to enact a voter suppression law,
which is the SAVE Act.”
Now there are reasonable objections to
proof-of-citizenship requirements in the SAVE Act, but the framing of both the
question and the answer is flawed.
Americans—including large majorities of Democrats—have
favored voter ID for decades. Since long before anyone dreamed Donald Trump
would run for president, never mind get elected, the idea has been wildly
popular. In 2006,
80 percent of Americans favored showing proof of ID when voting. The lowest
support over the last two decades, according to Pew, was in 2012 when a mere 77
percent of Americans, including 61 percent of Democrats, favored voter ID. Last
August, Pew found that 95 percent of Republicans and 71 percent of Democrats
favored having to provide government-issued ID when voting.
Two things have bothered me about Democratic opposition
to voter ID. First is the claim that millions upon millions of Americans lack
adequate ID. While it’s true that the SAVE Act’s provisions for providing proof
of citizenship creates novel challenges—lots of people don’t have their
birth certificates, and many forms of ID don’t specify citizenship—Democrats
were making this argument years before the citizenship issue ripened. (To be
clear, evidence of noncitizens voting in significant numbers is scant to
nonexistent.)
Regardless, if the problem is that huge numbers of
“marginalized” people don’t have sufficient ID to vote, that also means they don’t have
good enough ID for all manner of things. Indeed, I can think of few things more
likely to marginalize someone than not having ID. You can’t get a credit card,
buy or rent a home, apply for welfare benefits, travel by plane, or open a bank
account without identification. That’s some serious marginalization.
Second, if you want people to trust the integrity of
elections and the sanctity of “our democracy,” waxing indignant over the idea
of presenting ID when democratic majorities favor it is an odd choice. It
arouses the suspicion that there’s a reason for opposing such measures. Mostly
thanks to Democratic initiatives, America has made it wildly easier to vote
over the last three decades. Why is it so preposterous that new safeguards be
put in place amid all of the mail-in and early voting?
My theory is that at some deep level there is a
dysfunctional bipartisan consensus that lax voting rules benefit Democrats.
That’s why Republicans want to tighten the rules and Democrats favor loosening
them. The funny thing is, I think both sides have always been wrong. Indeed, as
the demographics of parties’ coalitions have changed, the assumption has gotten
sillier. Over the last decade, the GOP traded “high propensity”
college-educated suburban voters for non-college low propensity voters.
Yet both parties have intensified their delusions. Voter
ID is not voter suppression, and requiring voter ID will not guarantee
Republican victories. It’s just a reasonable idea, albeit in an unreasonable
time.
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