By Jonah Goldberg
Wednesday, February 18, 2026
Finally free from the demands of being chief archivist of
the United States, secretary of state, national security adviser, and
unofficial viceroy of Venezuela, Marco Rubio made his way to the Munich
Security Conference to deliver a major address on Saturday.
I shouldn’t make fun. Rubio, unlike so many major figures
in this administration, is a bona fide serious person. Indeed, that’s why
President Trump keeps piling responsibilities on him. Rubio knows what he’s
talking about and cares about policy. He is hardly a free agent; Trump is still
president after all. But in an administration full of people willing to act
like social media trolls, Rubio stands out for being serious. And I welcome
that.
But just because Rubio made a serious argument, that
doesn’t mean it was wholly persuasive. Part of his goal was to repair some of
the damage done by his boss, who not long ago threatened to blow up the North
Atlantic alliance by snatching Greenland away from Denmark. Rubio’s
conciliatory language was welcome, but it hardly set things right.
Whether it was his intent or not, Rubio had more success
in offering a contrast with Vice President J.D. Vance, who used the Munich
conference last year as a platform to insult
allies and provide fan service to his followers on X. Rubio’s speech was
the one Vance should have given, if the goal was to offer a serious argument
about Trump’s “vision” for the Western alliance. I put “vision” in scare quotes
because it’s unclear to me that Trump actually has one, but the broader MAGA
crowd is desperate to construct a coherent theory of its case.
So what’s that case? That Western Civilization is a real
thing, America is not only part of it, but its leader, and it will do the hard
things required to fix it.
In Rubio’s story, America and Europe embraced policies in
the 1990s that amounted to the “managed decline” of the West. European
governments were free riders on America’s military might and allowed their
defense capabilities to atrophy as they funded bloated welfare states and
inefficient regulatory regimes. Free trade, mass migration, and an infatuation
with “the rules-based global order” eroded national sovereignty, undermined the
“cohesion of our societies” and fueled the “de-industrialization” of our economies.
The remedy for these things? Reversing course on those policies and embracing
the hard reality that strength and power drive events on the global stage.
“The fundamental question we must answer at the outset is
what exactly are we defending,” Rubio said, “because armies do not fight for
abstractions. Armies fight for a people; armies fight for a nation. Armies
fight for a way of life.”
I agree with some of this—to a point. And, honestly,
given how refreshing it is to hear a grown-up argument from this
administration, it feels churlish to quibble.
But, for starters, the simple fact is that Western
Civilization is an abstraction, and so are nations and peoples. And that’s
fine. Abstractions—like love, patriotism, moral principles, justice—are really
important. Our “way of life” is largely defined and understood through
abstractions: freedom, the American dream, democracy, etc. What is the “Great”
in Make America Great Again, if not an abstraction?
This is important because the administration’s defenders
ridicule or dismiss any principled objection critics raise as fastidious
gitchy-goo eggheadery. Trump tramples the rule of law, pardons cronies, tries
to steal an election, and violates free market principles willy-nilly. And if
you complain, it’s because you’re a goody-goody fool. As White House deputy
chief of staff Stephen Miller said not
long ago, “We live in a world … that is governed by strength, that is governed
by force, that is governed by power. These are the iron laws of the world that
have existed since the beginning of time.” Rubio said it better, but it’s the
same idea.
There are other problems with Rubio’s story. At the start
of the 1990s, the EU’s economy
was 9 percent bigger than ours. In 2025 we’re nearly twice
as rich as Europe. If Europe was “ripping us off” they have a funny way of
showing it. America hasn’t “deindustrialized.”
The manufacturing sector has grown during all of this decline, though not as
much as the service sector where we are behemoth. We have shed manufacturing
jobs, but that has more to do with automation than immigration. Moreover, the
trends Rubio describes are not unique to America. Manufacturing tends to shrink
as countries get richer.
That’s an important point because Rubio, like his boss,
blames all of our economic problems on bad politicians and pretends that good
politicians can fix them through sheer force of will.
I think Rubio is wrong, but I salute him for making his
case seriously.
No comments:
Post a Comment