By Charles C. W. Cooke
Monday, June 17, 2024
Excluding from consideration any conspiratorial
explanations for the proposition, the news that President Biden intends imminently to “announce one of the largest
immigration relief programs in recent history” must have left even the most
weather-beaten of political observers scratching their heads in astonishment.
This, one need not be reminded, is an election year. Immigration remains one of
Biden’s most conspicuous weak spots. And he is running against Donald Trump,
the country’s leading immigration hawk. Might we conclude from this dimwitted
decision that the White House policy team has taken a liking to magic
mushrooms?
In its report on the topic, CBS nonchalantly observed that the plan would involve
“removing an obstacle in U.S. law” — which, if his prior lawlessness is any
guide, is almost certainly a euphemism for “usurping the authority of
Congress.” And to what end? To make himself even more unpopular than he already
is? So pronounced has been President Biden’s abdication of responsibility at
the Southern border that solid majorities of Americans have come to support
mass deportations in response. Last week, CBS found that 62 percent of registered voters favor “a new
national program to deport all undocumented immigrants currently living in the
U.S. illegally.” That support is broad-based. Independents back the idea 60–40;
Hispanics, 53–47; men, 66–34; women, 58–42; voters without college degrees,
74–26; voters with college degrees, 58–42.
The cause of this shift ought to be obvious: The
citizenry has watched in anger as President Biden first opened up the border
and then, having been roundly criticized for doing so, steadfastly refused to
change course. For almost his entire tenure, Biden’s approval rating on
immigration has been catastrophically low. To address this, he has denied,
lied, obfuscated, and played politics, while doing nothing of consequence to
fix the problem. Perhaps if the possibility of mass deportations were to be
raised in another context, the public would strike a more permissive note. But
right now, in these circumstances? Voters want something done — and they want
it done fast.
When, in the next few weeks, Biden formally adumbrates
his proposal, he will undoubtedly stress that the illegal immigrants to which
it applies are the sympathetic ones. And when he does, nobody listening will
much care, for Biden now faces the same problem with immigration as he does
with inflation: Having been blamed for the disease, he cannot expect to be
invited to provide the remedy. A president whom voters trusted on this issue
might be allowed to draw distinctions between different sorts of illegal immigrants.
From Biden, such delineations will ring hollow. By dint of his actions and of
his rhetoric, President Biden has routinely signaled to the American public
that he does not believe that any type of enforcement is legitimate or
worthwhile. In return, Americans have signaled that they, too, can flatten the
question until there is nothing left. If, as it has been for nearly three
years, the government’s policy is to be “come in!” then the policy of the
public is to be “get out.” Sir Isaac Newton, call your office.
Equally as baffling as his willful recrudescence is that
President Biden seems earnestly to believe that he is going to get away with
it. At each and every stage of this saga, the White House has exhibited a
revolting, self-satisfied smugness, and, true to form, this late push
represents no exception to that rule. At first, the administration’s line was
that there was no crisis at all; then it was that the crisis existed, but
that it was the Republicans’ fault for not having given the president
more power; then, in an obvious panic, it was that Biden had the power after
all, and, by gum, he intended to use it; and, finally, it was that, having
ticked the “cares about the border” box, it was time to move on to “relief.”
That Biden’s approval rating in this realm is sitting at around 32 percent — and, indeed, that it has been there
for more than a year — has never seemed to matter. From the beginning, this has
been seen as a debating game or a velleity, rather than as a tangible problem
to solve. If, in November, Biden loses the election to Donald Trump, the first
question that his bereaved team ought to ask itself is, “Really, what the hell were
we doing on immigration?”
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