National Review Online
Friday, June 21, 2024
The Supreme Court on Thursday upheld a provision of the Trump tax cuts that
taxed American shareholders of U.S.-controlled foreign companies on
otherwise untaxed company earnings. The case, Moore v. United States,
generated interest for the potential implications it would have for a wealth
tax — specifically, one based on taxing investment gains that have not yet been
realized. Ultimately, the Supreme Court punted on this question, describing its
decision as “narrow” and “limited.” The majority opinion by Justice Brett
Kavanaugh neither opened the door for such a wealth tax nor slammed it
shut. The concurring and dissenting opinions, however, made it clear that
there are at least four votes among the conservative justices to
constitutionally limit taxes to income that has been realized.
However the justices might ultimately rule on such a
matter, it doesn’t change the fact that the idea of taxing unrealized gains is
a bad one that should be rejected on the merits.
Under the current system, Americans pay taxes on
investments when they sell or earn interest on them, not merely when their
value goes up. This is a source of consternation on the left, because those who
are mega-rich don’t need access to all of their wealth at once. As long as they
hang on to their investments, their net worth can swell without being subject
to taxes on any paper gains. For instance, Warren Buffett is a “buy and hold”
investor who has his money tied up in Berkshire Hathaway stock, so only a
relatively small portion of his estimated $133
billion of wealth is subject to taxation each year.
To the Left, and President Biden, this wealth is a giant
honeypot waiting to be tapped. It is a central part of their plans to transform
the United States into a European-style social-welfare state while pretending
it won’t require European-style taxes on the middle class.
But a system in which the government taxes unrealized
gains would be unfair, unworkable, and economically destructive.
Investments are taxed when their gains are realized
because they can fluctuate wildly. For instance, in May 2021, an investor could
have bought Tesla stock for under $200 and, by November, that investment would
have doubled to more than $400. But by January 2023, the stock had cratered —
to $113. Depending on the timing of purchase and the tax deadline, an investor
could pay taxes on unrealized gains based on the runup of the stock, only to
ultimately take a bath on the stock after having paid taxes on it.
Under the current system, investors who sell not only
have to pay tax on gains but get to deduct losses. Under a new system, would
the IRS allow billionaires to deduct unrealized losses?
In the scheme of things, however, valuing stocks is
relatively easy given they are traded in high volume on public markets that
have real-time prices. Wealth, however, is often tied up in investments with
values that are more subjective. For instance, how will IRS agents accurately
evaluate the real-time value of a piece of real estate, business income, or
venture-capital holdings? How will agents value works of art?
Beyond this, there are the economic consequences. The
current system not only waits until gains are realized to tax them, but it
offers a lower rate on gains from investments that are held for over a year.
This helps facilitate more stable markets and fosters investment in businesses
that fuel the economy.
If unrealized gains are taxed each year, investors would
be much more likely to buy and sell assets more quickly, leading to more market
volatility that would punish smaller businesses seeking capital as well as
Americans who have their savings tied up in markets. If critics of “vulture
capitalism” and the like think that companies are already too obsessed with
their short-term stock price, they haven’t seen the half of it.
A wealth tax would require a vast expansion of the IRS
staff and its intrusion into taxpayers’ lives. It would be a boon for
accountants, but it would distort economic incentives.
The idea of taxing unrealized investment gains needs to
be killed in the crib before the Supreme Court even gets a chance to weigh in
on whether it is constitutional.
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