National Review Online
Wednesday, June 26, 2024
The Julian Assange saga ended this week in a federal
court in Saipan, an American commonwealth in the Northern Mariana Islands.
Assange pleaded guilty to a single conspiracy charge of
obtaining and disclosing American national-defense information. Even to the
end, Assange is dictating the terms: The plea deal drops all other Espionage
Act charges; it includes a sentence of time already served, so he will be
released; and the court proceeding took place in the Western Pacific, rather
than in Virginia where he was initially indicted, to accommodate Assange’s
desire not to set foot in the United States.
We are his enemy, after all.
Despite that, the Wikileaks founder became a cult hero
for the radical Left and libertarians of an anarchist bent — and, disturbingly,
for a vocal faction on the right as well. They portray him as a fearless
“journalist” dedicated to exposing the seamy underbelly of American aggression
and corruption. The truth is far from that. Assange and his operation are
hostile actors who collaborate with clandestine agents, rogue regimes, and
sundry hackers to damage the United States. They do not merely report classified
information leaked by subversive agents and government officials; they aid and
abet in its theft, and mass-publish it without redaction of sources situated in
war zones and countries with repressive governments, heedless of the mortal
peril this represents.
Cartoonish depictions of American national-defense
operations may do for Assange and his acolytes in Europe and Hollywood. In the
real world, to safeguard and advance freedom and security, a great nation that
has taken on great responsibilities must be able to protect intelligence
secrets and the sources who provide them — at great risk to their lives. And a
serious nation deals firmly with enemies and traitors who undermine those
efforts.
President Barack Obama, however, was utterly unserious in
commuting to just seven years the well-deserved 35-year sentence of U.S. army
intelligence analyst Bradley Manning — who became an icon of the Left upon
identifying as a trans woman, “Chelsea,” who had raided our national
intelligence files with Assange’s assistance.
With Manning’s assistance, Assange exposed the triggers
for and limitations on American combat operations against Iran-backed terrorist
insurgents in the Iraq War. Cui bono? The mullahs. Moreover, indictments
against Assange and Manning establish that they jointly compromised
approximately 90,000 Afghanistan war-related significant activity reports,
400,000 Iraq War–related significant activities reports, 800 Guantanamo Bay
detainee assessment briefs, and 250,000 U.S. Department of State cables.
Many of the documents were classified “secret” — meaning
their disclosure could cause serious damage to United States national security.
The charges describe how the willfully damaging leaks exposed to grave danger
many Afghans, Iraqis, and Iranians, among others, who had provided our
government with information about human-rights abuses, terrorist plots against
American troops, and the inner workings of hostile regimes. In a 2010
interview, Assange conceded that this was . . . “regrettable.” The evidence indicates
that al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and other American enemies viewed it as an
intelligence banquet.
The curiosity is that the Justice Department charged
Assange with only the Manning thefts and leaks from over a dozen years ago.
Uncharged were offenses far more serious than the conduct that led to dozens of
felony charges against Donald Trump under the same statute. Recall that for
years we’d been tirelessly assured that Assange and Wikileaks had worked with
Putin’s regime in the theft and 2016 publication of thousands of Democratic
National Committee emails — the foundation of the “collusion” hoax, in which
the Hillary Clinton campaign and the FBI (among other government actors)
portrayed Trump, even after he took office as president, as a clandestine agent
of the Kremlin. Yet, although special counsel Robert Mueller indicted a number
of Russians our government knew would never face trial, Assange was never
charged. Such allegations would undoubtedly have helped the Justice Department
convince the British government to extradite Assange . . . if, of course,
prosecutors had been able to prove them.
Absent such charges, and with the Manning outrages
discounted by Obama’s clemency and fading memories, the chance that Assange
would be prosecuted became increasingly remote. He wore out his welcome after
seven years holed up in the Ecuadoran embassy in London — mainly on the lam
from a Swedish sexual-assault charge that was eventually dropped. He was then
detained by the Brits in Belmarsh Prison for the past five years while his
extradition was litigated. The matter became an increasing headache for the Biden
administration, as Australian and European allies joined the international
glitterati’s clamor for his release.
Hence, the plea bargain. From the courtroom in Saipan,
Assange will arrive in Australia a free man. WikiLeaks hasn’t published defense
secrets since 2021 as Assange and his allies worked on winning his release.
They’ll surely be back in business soon enough.
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