By Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, June 18,
2024
If Donald Trump has a superpower, it is being so brazen
and insistent in his stupidity and dishonesty that his lackeys, sycophants, and
credulous marks have no choice but to adopt his stupidity and dishonesty as
their own. This has happened to Sens. Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio, to the whole of
Fox News, and to countless little old church ladies who want to explain to me
how January 6 was a false-flag operation. As heuristics go, that’s a
time-saving line in the sand: Either people actually believe it when they
repeat Trump’s baloney, in which case they are too stupid for further
conversation to be of any value, or they don’t believe it, in which case they
are dishonest—and there’s never any point talking to a dishonest person.
Meet today’s contestant in “Stupid Or
Dishonest?”—Republic National Committee spokeswoman Anna Kelly, who
claimed: “The notion that tariffs are a tax on U.S. consumers is a lie
pushed by outsourcers and the Chinese Communist Party.” As a specimen of
Trumpist baloney, that is just about perfect: It is a lie, it is easily
disproved, and it contains a preemptive strike accusing the people who are
going to point out that it is a stupid, easily disproved lie of operating in
bad faith.
Why this nonsense from the RNC right now?
Donald Trump has put
forward the idiotic suggestion that we should replace the entire federal
revenue system with tariffs, which would necessitate tripling the cost
(very likely, more than tripling the cost) of imported goods—meaning gasoline,
diesel, crude oil, pharmaceuticals, and other leading imports—and inflating
the price of domestically produced alternatives to boot. That would mean, for
example, that the $320
billion a year or so we spend on imported oil and gas ends up costing U.S.
consumers nearly $1 trillion, and our $170
billion annual tab for imported pharmaceuticals would go to a little
more than a half-trillion dollars.
It is an imbecilic idea, and there’s no particular reason
to believe that Trump would seriously pursue it—given that he has rarely
seriously pursued substantive policy ideas that would require persuading
Congress to act. (You don’t have to work very hard to get a Republican Congress
to pass tax cuts.) Recall that Trump accomplished precisely nothing on
immigration when his party controlled both houses of Congress, and that’s one
of the few issues on which he has been relatively active and ideologically consistent.
But while Trump seethes when he sees an illegal immigrant who
isn’t working at one of his hotels, tariffs are his great love, a blunt
instrument he has admired dating back to the 1980s.
Who pays tariffs?
Despite what the RNC claims, tariffs are paid directly by
U.S. firms and U.S. persons—they are a tax imposed on importers
domiciled in the United States, not a tax imposed on foreign manufacturers.
“Tax incidence”—the question of who really pays a tax in an economic sense—is a
complicated thing in economics. The textbook example is the so-called
employer’s share of the payroll tax, which, in most cases, seems to mainly be
borne by employees in the form of lower wages. Sales taxes are, in theory, a
tax on sellers and not a tax on consumers—but retailers and
restaurants and such do you the favor of itemizing the expense on your
receipts, lest there be any question of who really pays.
Americans import
a lot of things that we don’t make here or can’t make here very
efficiently, but we also import a lot of things that we do make here—gasoline,
diesel, and natural gas among them. (There are lots of complicated logistical,
economic, and even petrochemical reasons for that.) We also import a lot of
manufactured goods, some of which directly compete with U.S.-made goods, though
that gets complicated pretty quickly, too: A very large share of our imports
are not finished goods at all but components and materials used by U.S. manufacturers,
some of which end up in U.S. exports. Circle of economic life and
all that.
One thing you can be sure about is that if you make a
gallon of imported diesel three times more expensive (and the hypothetical
tariff would have to be at least 200 percent to meet federal revenue needs, and
possibly much more, since the tax surely would change consumer and firm
behavior), a gallon of domestically produced diesel is going to get a lot more
expensive, too. When you raise the price of competitors’ goods, domestic
producers do not keep their own prices down out of the goodness of their hearts.
We’ve seen this demonstrated approximately 100 million times. Trump’s steel tariffs,
for example, preceded a 9 percent increase in steel prices that cost U.S.
companies and consumers billions of dollars.
You could expect much (probably most) of the economic
pain of such a tariff to fall on Americans. Trump’s own economic advisers, such
as Larry Kudlow, will
often admit as much when pressed—though many economists who know better
have found it necessary to pretend to be stupid to keep Trump happy.
The United States has a very large market, but it is not
the only possible destination for the world’s goods—only about 13 percent of the
world’s exports are bound for the United States in a typical year, even
though the U.S. share of world GDP is about twice that, more
than 26 percent in 2023. If trade with U.S. buyers becomes economically
untenable, those goods can be redirected elsewhere. And then Americans will be
spared the indignity of being victimized by shadowy … Swiss people … who want
to sell us … medicine. Or those nefarious Canadians who have tricked us into
framing our houses with wood, which they have a lot of up there.
Dumb or dishonest? The answer for the RNC, apparently,
is:
Yes.
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