By Daniel Buck
Tuesday, June 25, 2024
Last month, Governor Ron DeSantis signed Florida
House Bill 1291 to prohibit teacher-prep programs from grounding
themselves in “theories that systemic racism, sexism, oppression, and privilege
are inherent in the institutions of the United States.” It goes into effect
July 1 and sets up DeSantis to bludgeon the University of Florida’s school of
education like he did K–12 public schools and Disney.
If DeSantis swings this sledgehammer, it could represent
the most significant, state-level education reform since Scott Walker used Act
10 to kneecap the unions over a decade ago. As I’ve stressed in National Review a number of times, university teacher-prep programs are the
primary source of the ubiquitous progressivism in American schools. Critical
race theory, gender ideology, teachers treating their lectern like a political
pulpit — it all makes its way into the classroom via schools of education.
Recent conservative legislation overlooks this reality.
When governors ban the instruction of concepts, it’s all too easy for advocates
to shift language such that today’s “diversity, equity, and inclusion” could be
tomorrow’s “belonging, compassion, and understanding.” Similarly, while
school-choice laws are a welcome structural change, if personnel is policy —
and all school personnel go through reeducation programs at universities — then
any parent or family looking to choose a non-woke, non-progressive school will
have few actual choices.
A recent report from Boise State University professor
Scott Yenor reveals that the teacher-prep program at the University of Florida
is subject to the same ideological capture as others. In 2020, the program
removed a number of classes that focused on the practicalities of instruction
such as classroom management or core teaching strategies to instead implement a
four-course series on “equity pedagogy.”
Throughout, course readings betray a near obsession with
“critical pedagogy,” a theory of education where schools are transformed from
traditional academic training grounds to institutions of social change.
Teachers are not pedagogues but change agents, there to raise the “critical
consciousness” of their students and spur them toward activism and advocacy.
Course readings include Kimberlé Crenshaw (a founding
scholar of critical race theory), Peggy McIntosh (who coined the term “white
privilege”), Gloria Ladson-Billings (her most notable academic achievement was
the introduction of CRT into educational discourse in the 1990s), and countless
books and articles on gender, critical race theory, whiteness theory, and other
progressive neuroses.
Notably lacking is anything on instruction, curriculum,
or behavior management. Instead, it’s a glorified degree in progressive views
on race and gender masquerading as a bachelor’s program for teachers. This
reality means that come July 1, the University of Florida will run afoul of the
legislation and risk decertification. With Ben Sasse at the helm of the
university, DeSantis could create a model for conservatives across the country
interested in reforming these institutions.
The governor and Sasse have several potential courses of
action to build on this legislation.
First, they could dismantle the school of education at
the University of Florida. Such an action is not without precedent. The
University of Chicago shut down its school of education in 1997, with the New
York Times describing its scholarship as “unworthy of Chicago’s
standards” and “too costly to correct.”
Instead, DeSantis could continue a policy path that Jeb
Bush began, funding alternative training programs and easing licensure
regulations. Many programs, such as Teach For America, or pathways that ease
the licensure for teacher aides and other school personnel have produced
educators with equal or even better outcomes than traditional schools of
education.
Second, Sasse could modify UF’s school of education to
refocus it on practical training. Florida’s House Bill 1291 includes the
provision that schools of education “must afford candidates the opportunity to
think critically, achieve mastery of academic program content, learn
instructional strategies, and demonstrate competence.”
There’s an abundance of teacher training manuals and research on practical instructional
techniques that could fill syllabi instead of esoteric readings on Marxist
educational theory. Moreover, UF’s newly established Hamilton Center could include an institute on liberal-arts education for
creating a corps of teachers trained in the theories of classical education to
staff schools, administrations, curriculum companies, and other educational
institutions. Change the personnel; change the policy.
Finally, DeSantis and Sasse could entirely reconstruct
teacher education as we know it. As I detailed at length in the recent issue of
National Affairs, teachers who attend traditional
teacher-prep programs perform no better than alternatively licensed or even
unlicensed teachers. Only experience and content knowledge improve
instructional quality. Following such evidence, they could remake teacher prep
entirely. Instead of asking undergrads to huddle together for seminars in
university basements to talk about theory, put a greater emphasis on the
practicum and student teaching.
Schools of education are one of the most noxious forces
in American education — rivaling even the unions — while teachers are the most
important school-level factor for student academic success. Whichever route is
chosen, if he reforms the University of Florida, Governor Ron DeSantis may very
well reform schools across the Sunshine State — and be a model for governors
across the country to follow.
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