By Alexander Wiliam Salter
Tuesday, June 18, 2024
The ongoing competition between the U.S. and China
is the defining geopolitical event of our time. International finance and
trade, the status of Taiwan, and energy security are some of the hot-button
contests both sides want to win. Yet the struggle with the most far-reaching
implications may well occur not on Earth but above it. The next decade will be
critical for both nations in establishing outer-space dominance.
We’re experiencing a clash of political-economic models
for space. America favors respect for norms, free enterprise, and open
scientific exploration. China, in contrast, promotes the Chinese Communist
Party’s (CCP) brand of quasi-fascistic state capitalism, authoritarianism, and
raw power projection. For the well-being of our citizens, as well as all
mankind, we must ensure America wins the new space race.
The Trump administration oversaw the beginnings of a
second American space age. The president revived the National Space Council,
with the vice president chairing and taking a serious interest. Executive orders bolstered space commerce by
protecting the use of space resources, like mining the Moon and asteroids.
Under the guidance of NASA’s capable and savvy administrator, Jim Bridenstine,
America’s space agency took important steps to return to the Moon. Most importantly,
Bridenstine, with support from the State Department, spearheaded the creation
of the Artemis
Accords, a set of cooperative principles for nations of goodwill to explore
and profit from space.
These initiatives were so successful that the Biden
administration has largely retained them. Yet President Biden hasn’t made
winning the new space race a national priority. While he didn’t reverse major
Trump space initiatives, neither has he advanced them. His NASA administrator,
Bill Nelson, is competent but lacks Bridenstine’s unique blend of vision and
administrative skills.
Meanwhile, China is ramping up its efforts. Its space
program has advanced by leaps and bounds in the past ten years, and it has credibly committed to a manned lunar mission by 2030. Its International Lunar Research Station, designed as a counter
to the Artemis
Program, includes plans for a moon base. Russia and Venezuela, hardly
models of freedom, have joined in. The Artemis Accords coalition now has more
than 40 nations, many with impressive space capabilities, but China and
Russia together could seriously threaten American space security.
There’s no question about China’s long-term intentions.
The CCP views space not as an opportunity for collaborative human flourishing,
but a means of solidifying legitimacy at home and increasing its power abroad.
Scott Pace, who served as executive secretary of the National Space Council
under President Trump, warns that China’s cooperative overtures are really a
bid for control: As with “the Belt and Road Initiative, space cooperation tends
to be on terms solely determined by China.”
We need to take China’s space threat seriously and to
solidify America’s lead in the new space race. What’s required is a plan for
space that combines the national interest with global responsibility. At
minimum, the government should:
·
Persuade more nations to sign the Artemis
Accords.
·
Continue consulting and partnering with our
cutting-edge space businesses such as SpaceX.
·
Prepare for the impending retirement of the
International Space Station, which will occur no later than 2030. America
should embrace a model blending market supply of a new habitat with government demand on a
tenancy basis. We can’t afford to relinquish a permanent presence in low-earth
orbit, especially since China has had one since 2021.
·
Elevate the Office of Space Commerce within the Department of
Commerce and have its leader report directly to the Secretary of Commerce.
·
Provide more resources, in the form of greater inflation-adjusted
funding, to NASA, the Space Force, and the Office of Space Commerce.
·
Seriously consider investments in satellite redundancy to ensure hostile
nations cannot cripple us, militarily or commercially, with a first strike on
our space assets.
All of this must occur in the context of a high-level
strategy that treats China not as a well-meaning but mistaken partner to be
brought back into the fold, but as a rival whose ambitions must be thwarted.
In the contest over basic governance models for space,
there’s no prize for second place. We run the risk of losing the gains we made
from 2016 to 2020, not from a reversal of policy but through a loss of
momentum. The American public must demand their leaders get serious about
winning in space.
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