By Marita Noon
Sunday, November 17, 2013
The fight against hydraulic fracturing has recently
ratcheted up. On November 5, one town in Ohio and three in Colorado, passed
ballot measures designed to ban or temporarily halt hydraulic fracturing—the
brief (3-5 day) phase, often referred to as “fracking”—that is essential to the
advanced oil-and-gas extraction processes that have given America the lead in
global energy production. A fourth Colorado town awaits a recount. Initial
election results showed the moratorium in Broomfield, Co—failed by 13 votes.
However, on November 13, after all the overseas, military, provisional and
other outstanding ballots were counted, it had passed by 17 votes. A margin of
less than 0.5 percent triggers an automatic recount—leaving the final outcome
currently unknown. In Bowling Green and Youngstown, Ohio, the opposite
happened. Similar proposed bans against fracking were defeated.
Of the four votes in Colorado, Tisha Schuller, president
of the Colorado Oil and Gas Association (COGA) calls the Boulder and Lafayette
votes merely “symbolic,” and noted that “Lafayette's last new well permit was
in the early 1990s and Boulder's last oil and gas well was plugged in 1999.”
However, Fort Collins, CO, is near the promising
production of the Niobrara shale. The Fort Collins city council passed a
resolution encouraging voters to reject the proposed moratorium. And, in
Broomfield, the city council, in August, entered into a memorandum of
understanding that would allow energy company Sovereign to drill 21 wells—as
long as stringent standards are met. In these cities, these five-year bans will
bite.
In Ohio, the Oberlin ban is, likewise, “symbolic,” as
Oberlin, a college town, has no drilling plans. Bowling Green, which rejected
the ban, also has no drilling plans. However, in the Mahoning Valley where
Youngstown is located, there is current oil-and-gas activity. In Youngstown,
which is a depressed former steel town, residents have twice voted down a
fracking ban. The Akron Beacon Journal reports: “the United Association of
Plumbers and Pipefitters Local 396 spent more than $74,000 trying to defeat the
amendment. The union called it a job-killer.” Supporters of the ban claim “the
loss can be explained by voters who are hard up for the jobs energy development
brings.” (Note: “energy development” does bring jobs.)
Within the past year, Longmont, CO, became the first town
in the state to ban fracking and Mora County, NM, became the first county in
New Mexico to ban the “extraction of oil, natural gas, or other hydrocarbons.”
National Geographic states: “the wins provide momentum
for the national movement to ban hydraulic fracturing, or fracking.” Former
Colorado State House Representative, B.J. Nikkel, is quoted as saying: “This is
round one in a much longer match.” Mora County Commissioner, John Olivas,
declared: “We’re ready for this fight.” Fracking opponent, Gretchen Goldman, an
analyst at the Union of Concerned Scientists’ Center for Science and Democracy,
said: “The decision of whether or not hydraulic fracturing occurs in these
Colorado communities may ultimately lie with the courts, where the city of
Longmont is already being sued by COGA and the state of Colorado over its
fracking ban.”
Because fracking is governed by the states, the bans put
cities and counties at odds with state—and even federal—laws. According to a
New York Times (NYT) article written at the time of Longmont’s fracking ban
passage (November 2012), Colorado’s Democrat Governor, John W. Hickenlooper,
warned residents of a lawsuit from the state and insisted that only the state
has “the authority to regulate drilling.”
Ohio’s Department of Natural Resources also, according to
RC 1509, has the “sole and exclusive authority to regulate the permitting,
location, and spacing of oil and gas wells and production operations within the
state …” A recent lawsuit in Ohio challenged the idea of “preemption.” The City
of Munroe Falls argued “home-rule” authority to regulate gas-drilling
operations and won the case in the Summit County Court of Common Pleas, but was
reversed by the Ninth District Court of Appeals in what has been described as a
“knock-out punch.” The case will now go before the Ohio State Supreme Court
with a decision expected this spring.
In July 2013, Hickenlooper’s administration joined COGA
in a lawsuit seeking to overturn Longmont’s fracking ban.
Concerned about the lawsuits, Longmont’s Mayor Dennis L.
Coombs said: “People really didn’t think through this too well.”
Stan Dempsey, President of the Colorado Petroleum
Association, told me he “expects the Fort Collins and Broomfield bans will be
fought in court.”
The NYT states that seven former mayors of Longmont
fought the ban and cites Bill Swenson, who said the ban was “contrary to state
laws.” Swenson believes, “We are, in effect, taking your property.”
In New Mexico, where a lawsuit was filed, on November 11,
against the Mora County drilling ban, former State Land Commissioner Pat Lyons,
agrees. Under his leadership, many tracts were leased for potential drilling in
Mora County which he said “could be a big boon for the economy.” Lyons told me
Mora’s drilling ban is a “private property takings.”
However, the lawsuit against Mora County, and its
leaders, didn’t go the “takings” route. Instead, the Independent Petroleum
Association of New Mexico, along with one individual and two New Mexico land
owners, argue that Mora County’s ordinance violates their rights under the
First, Fifth, and Fourteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution, as well as
corresponding rights under the New Mexico Constitution. The suit alleges that
the Commission lacks authority to pass this unconstitutional ordinance that
impacts property rights, due process and First Amendment rights.
In 1978, New Mexico passed the New Mexico Oil and Gas
Act, which created the Oil Conservation Commission and Oil Conservation
Division, which are vested with complete “jurisdiction, authority and control”
regarding the development of oil or gas. The Division regulates oil-and-natural
gas activity within the State so as to protect, among other things, fresh
water, public health, safety and the environment, and issues rules for “safety
procedures for drilling and production of oil and gas wells.”
Unlike the Colorado lawsuits, the suit against Mora
Country, has not, to date, been joined by New Mexico government. Lyons believes
New Mexico’s Land Commissioner, Ray Powell, “should be taking a strong stand
for New Mexico’s children. He should be one of the lead participants in the
fight for New Mexico.”
Lyons is referencing the fact that in New Mexico,
revenues from oil-and-gas activity on state lands go directly into the
Permanent Fund and each tract has a specific beneficiary assigned to it. Some
of the beneficiaries that will be losing out of the millions of dollars that
could be generated over the life of the Mora County leases include: NM School
for the Visually Handicapped and NM School for hearing impaired; NM State
Hospital and Carrie Tingley Hospital; the NM Boys School, NM Institute of
Mining and Technology, and Eastern NM University; and K-12 schools throughout
the state.
The New Mexico civil rights lawsuit was filed by the
Mountain States Legal Foundation, whose President, William Perry Pendley, sent
me the following statement:
“The lawlessness we have seen emanating from Washington, DC, has spread like a wildfire across the country. When elected politicians, senior administration officials, and career bureaucrats proudly proclaim that the Constitution is irrelevant and the law is whatever they say it is, it is little wonder that officials across the country follow their bad example. From coast-to-coast, isolated units of local government have declared that, regardless of what the federal and state constitutions or federal and state laws provide, they will bar their residents from using their property, creating jobs, and generating revenue and if the locals do not like it, then they can sue. I am proud that landowners in Mora County and the Independent Petroleum Association of New Mexico have the courage to demand adherence to constitutional liberties and the rule of law and have asked Mountain States Legal Foundation to represent them in that important battle.”
As Pendley indicates, all of these fracking and drilling
bans and/or moratoriums are part of an attempted national movement led by the
Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund, which has drafted model legislation
for communities—such as Mora County, NM; Oberlin, OH; and Lafayette, CO—known
as the Community Bill of Rights.
The “symbolic” votes in communities with no oil-and-gas
development are part of a strategy to target left-leaning constituencies where
ordinances can be passed and momentum can be built. Addressing the approach,
Nikkel observed: “As the debate moves from places like Boulder and
Lafayette—which come with highly Democratic constituencies—to purple Colorado,
you're going to see a different outcome.”
Because of efforts to ban fracking—which, along with
horizontal drilling has just allowed the U.S. to pass a milestone in the march
toward energy self-sufficiency—the House of Representatives has drafted the
Protecting States’ Rights to Promote American Energy Security Act (H.R. 2728),
which would keep states in charge of hydraulic fracturing as they have always
done and keep the EPA out of it. H.R. 2728 is scheduled to come up for a vote
as early as November 18. Please contact your Representative to encourage
support of H.R. 2728.
“When we talk about banning fracking, we’re talking about
outlawing a process that is absolutely critical to developing our vast energy
resources and intentionally forfeiting billions in economic activity and tax
revenue.” Addressing the election results, Jon Haubert, Communications Director
for Coloradoans for Responsible Energy Development, adds: “The need for
education about one of our state’s—and nation’s—most important topics clearly
won’t be going away. In Colorado especially, there are high standards and model
regulations in place to ensure that the health and safety of our communities
come first. As we discovered in these elections, not enough know that.” Haubert
places some of the blame “squarely on the oil and natural gas industry for not
properly educating the public.”
Russell Mendell, statewide director for Frack Free
Colorado, has declared: “This is the point in history where communities need to
decide if they want to stay addicted to hydrocarbons and fossil fuels or move
toward sustainable energy.” In response, many have proposed that if communities
with potential oil-and-gas development choose to ban it, they should truly
break their so-called hydrocarbon addiction and quit using oil and gas.
The outcome of the fracking fight will be fought in the
court of public opinion, as much as it will be in state and federal courtrooms.
Though environmental groups have declared victory in this round, the fight is
far from over. Earlier this year, Democratic Governor, Jerry Brown of
California, signed a law in September that specifically allows fracking. Across
the country, people—from Youngstown, OH, to California’s Governor
Brown—understand that “energy development” bring jobs and economic growth. They
understand that energy makes America great.
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