By Michael Tanner
Friday, November 08, 2013
House and Senate budget conferees have begun meeting in
an attempt to head off another potential government shutdown when the latest
continuing resolution expires, on January 15. In theory, the committee is
supposed to report no later than December 13, but few on Capitol Hill expect
them to come up with a deal by that deadline. As usual, the two parties are at
loggerheads over taxes and spending. The Democrats want more of the former and
none of the latter; for Republicans, it’s the reverse. Another crisis looms.
But there is a way that the two parties can come together
to solve this problem, if members are willing to compromise.
It is important to understand that a compromise doesn’t
require new taxes. According to the Congressional Budget Office, revenues will
return to their historic average without any new tax hikes. And, between the
new taxes in Obamacare and the fiscal-cliff deal last December, Democrats have
already pushed through more than $2.8 trillion in new taxes over the next ten
years. The basis for any budget compromise must come on the spending side.
And there’s reason to believe that this can be done. Over
the last few years, both Democrats and Republicans have suggested ways to cut
spending, only to be blocked by the other party. Now, however, is the time for
both parties to cut programs even if they are championed by special interests
in their parties. There can be no more “sacred cows.”
To show how this could be done, scholars at the Cato
Institute have put together a plan that balances the budget without tax
increases and reduces our dangerously high debt burden, by cutting $3 trillion
over the next ten years. It builds on good ideas from both Republicans and
Democrats, liberals and conservatives, to expand individual freedom and reduce
the burden of government.
Cut Corporate Welfare: For too long both parties have
endorsed giveaways to major corporate interests. This is not even a question of
dubious tax breaks — which, it can at least be argued, allow people to keep
more of their own money, even if the tax breaks are distortionary — but rather
of direct payments and subsidies. Such corporate welfare has nothing to do with
capitalism or free markets. Among the worst examples are agricultural
subsidies, included in the “farm bill” currently making its way through a
conference committee, and energy subsidies, including such notorious
boondoggles as Solyndra. Phasing out farm and energy subsidies would save $160
billion over the next ten years.
More Privatization: Many things done by government today
can be done more efficiently by the private sector. For example, President
Obama has suggested privatizing the Tennessee Valley Authority. Other
candidates for privatization include Amtrak, the Corps of Engineers, federal
dams, airport screening, and air-traffic control — which would save at least
$110 billion.
Trim the Intelligence Budget: In the wake of the NSA
scandal, Americans have become increasingly aware of abuses by the intelligence
community. The budgets of the CIA, the NSA, and other intelligence agencies
have become bloated with spending on vast and often intrusive data-collection
efforts and armadas of drone aircraft. These efforts, Cato and others argue,
have not made us safer. Cutting intelligence spending by 25 percent would not make
us more vulnerable, and we’d save $110 billion.
End the Drug War: Experts across the political spectrum
increasingly recognize that the War on Drugs has been as big a failure as the
War on Poverty. Moreover, law enforcement is far more properly a state and
local matter, not a federal one. Yet the federal government spends billions of
dollars every year on fruitless efforts that harm civil liberties, foment
violence, and do little to actually curb drug use. Ending the federal drug war
and returning drug policy to the states, where it belongs, would save $110
billion.
Reform Social Security: Social Security is the world’s
largest Ponzi scheme, piling up enormous debts that our children and our
grandchildren will eventually have to pay. The latest estimates from Social
Security’s trustees suggest that the program’s unfunded liabilities exceed $23
trillion. Meanwhile, spending on Social Security Disability Insurance has
soared, increasing by $84 billion since 2000, with rising levels of fraud and
abuse. Eventually we should move to a system of personal accounts for
retirement and disability, but meanwhile we would save $640 billion by indexing
initial benefits to prices rather than wages, modestly raising the retirement
age, and trimming the disability rolls by 25 percent.
Stop subsidizing state governments, especially for
education: Washington runs more than 1,100 programs that provide funding to
state governments. That’s not federalism, it’s a perverse form of welfare that
subsidizes big-spending state governments. Among the worst of these programs
are education grants, which increase federal control over education while
stifling state and local innovation. Phasing out federal subsidies for K–12
schools would save $180 billion and free states to improve the quality of their
own education systems.
Reform and Reduce Welfare: The federal government
currently funds 126 separate anti-poverty programs, at a cost of more than $668
billion per year. Yet poverty rates remain roughly where they were in 1965,
when Lyndon Johnson first declared war on poverty. This vast array of aid
programs would be better handled by state and local governments and private
charities. Programs such as food stamps should be turned over to the states.
Phasing out just this one welfare program (federal food stamps) over ten years
would save $400 billion.
End Military Overreach: National defense is a
constitutional responsibility of our government, in many ways the first
responsibility of a national government. And no one should forget that it is a
dangerous world and that the United States has very real enemies. But too many
lawmakers have used defense spending as little more than a jobs program,
demanding that weapons systems be built, even when the Pentagon says those
systems are not needed, simply because they are built in the lawmakers’
districts. Moreover, the Constitution envisioned a military to “provide for the
common defense” of the United States, not one that serves as the world’s
policeman. Indeed, many observers believe our penchant for foreign intervention
makes us less safe. Congress should reduce overseas military commitments, avoid
foreign wars, and create a leaner force structure. Making reforms to meet the
budget caps for 2014 and beyond could save at least $200 billion.
Reform Medicare: Medicare spending is the largest factor
pushing the budget into crisis. Even the most conservative estimates suggest
that Medicare faces unfunded future liabilities of more than $42 trillion.
Other estimates warn that future liabilities could top $88 trillion. Raising
premiums and increasing cost-sharing would save $330 billion. That’s a good
start, but policymakers should go further and restructure the program by
directing payments to enrollees, not insurers or providers. That would generate
greater choice, spur innovation, improve access to care, and generate even
greater savings beyond the ten-year budget window.
Block-Grant Medicaid: Given the enormous problems facing
Medicare, it is easy to ignore those of Medicaid, the government’s
second-largest health-care program. Yet Medicaid’s finances are nearly as bad,
adding to the federal deficit today, with huge shortfalls looming on the
horizon. And, unlike Medicare, Medicaid is also an increasing burden for state
budgets. Instead of the current open-ended matching grants that have spurred
overspending at both the federal and state levels, Congress should give each state
a fixed amount of funding and free them to experiment with better ways of
providing care for the needy. Limiting the block grants’ growth to 5 percent a
year would save $760 billion.
As of this month, our national debt tops $17.1 trillion.
The time has long since passed for Congress to get serious about cutting
spending. That means we must be willing to cut “our” spending as well as
“their” spending. The cuts we recommend will almost certainly arouse the ire of
powerful interests and constituencies. Others may legitimately have better
ideas for what and how to cut. But in the end, the only way to reduce the size,
cost, and intrusiveness of government is to cut spending. And the only way to
cut spending … is to cut spending.
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