By Jonah Goldberg
Wednesday, April 08, 2026
It is among the most familiar patterns of the Trump era.
First, the president says or does something weird, rude, or otherwise
norm-defying. Some elected Republicans object, and the response from Trump and
his minions is to shoot the messenger. The dynamic holds constant whether it’s
big (January 6 pardons) or small (tweeting “covfefe” just after midnight).
The essence of this low-road-for-me-high-road-for-thee
dynamic rests on the belief that Trumpism is a one-way road. Insulting Trump,
deservedly or not, is forbidden, while Trump’s antics should be celebrated when
possible, defended when necessary, or ignored when neither of those responses
is possible. But he should never, ever face consequences for his own actions.
This was the week Trump’s routine went global.
A number of longtime defenders of the transatlantic alliance are very angry at
our allies.
NATO members have refused to allow American jets to
launch from, or even fly over, their territory. They won’t help secure the
Strait of Hormuz. French President Emmanuel Macron has even called for a
coalition to “stand up” against both the United States and China.
I think these are serious strategic mistakes, especially
Macron’s posturing to go out like a modern-day de Gaulle instead of as a lame
duck. But politically, they are hardly shocking.
Let’s review how we got here.
Trump has routinely mocked our allies. For efficiency’s
sake, let’s forgive all of the petty jabs from the first term ostensibly
intended to get them to spend more on defense. In Trump’s second term, he
claimed our NATO allies would never fight on our behalf, despite the fact that
the only time NATO invoked Article 5—an attack on one is an attack on all—was
in the wake of 9/11.
Back in January, in Davos, Switzerland, Trump revised this false claim, admitting that some did fight in
Afghanistan, but that “they stayed a little back, a little off the front
lines.” This infuriated not just allied leaders, but their voters.
Indeed, Trump is even unpopular
with the populist right across most of Europe.
On a per capita basis, Denmark, not America, had the most
casualties in Afghanistan.
Speaking of Denmark, Trump threatened to go to war with
the Danes to take possession of Greenland. The threats, public and private,
were so relentless and serious that Denmark had to actually plan for a war against the U.S.
Trump didn’t go as far with Canada, but he poisoned that
alliance with his repeated insistence that Canada should become America’s 51st
state.
Trump also cut off most direct military aid to Ukraine,
opting instead to strong-arm Europe into buying American weapons to boost our
defense industry. And all while lending rhetorical aid and comfort to Russian
President Vladimir Putin as Trump’s “peace envoy” talked up business deals with
Russia.
Trump abrogated trade agreements with our allies to levy
massive tariffs on nearly all of them, forcing many countries to pursue trade
agreements with China. His erratic shifting of policies and rates sent allied
economies scrambling. Trump’s American defenders may roll their eyes
at his openness to emoluments—a plane from Qatar, a gold bar and Rolex from Swiss business leaders, a crown from South Korea—but just imagine how this stuff is
viewed by the broader public in allied countries. Trump mocks notions of shared
values, but if you bring him a trinket, he’ll talk.
Then Trump launched a surprise war on Iran without
consulting our allies. When British Prime Minister Keir Starmer suggested
sending aircraft carriers to help, Trump mocked him.
“That’s OK, Prime Minister Starmer, we don’t need them
any longer,” Trump posted on Truth social. “But we will remember. We don’t need
people that join Wars after we’ve already won!”
Trump has since changed his tune. In his national address last week, Trump
essentially called our allies cowards who needed to muster some “delayed
courage.” On Monday, he explained he was done with NATO because they refused to
give him Greenland.
Trump’s one-way-street antics work domestically because
of his support within the GOP base. But he can’t incite a primary challenge to
elected allied leaders, not when he’s loathed. In January his approval rating in the U.K. was 16
percent (and in Denmark just 4 percent). One in 5 Europeans see America as a greater threat than
China or North Korea.
Again, I think it would be good for Europe—which has seen
energy prices skyrocket because of the war and still needs the U.S. for its
security—to swallow some of the humiliation and help. But the refusal of Trump
and his defenders to acknowledge why it’s politically hard at this point is
maddening.
Trump would never dream of taking a devastating political
hit for an ally. But he and his defenders cannot fathom why allies feel the
same way about him.
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