By Andrew C. McCarthy
Tuesday, April 07, 2026
President Trump’s deadline for Iranian capitulation
regarding the Strait of Hormuz is just over nine hours away, and he is
reaffirming vows to destroy bridges and power plants unless this chokepoint on
international trade is opened. (There is, natch, another unhinged post about
about how “a whole civilization will die tonight.”)
In response, according to various reports, António
Guterres, the secretary-general of the United Nations, has publicly admonished
the president that “attacks on civilian infrastructure are banned under
international law” (that’s how PBS described what Guterres said
without quoting him).
This is not true. I won’t get into what I addressed yesterday regarding
how the Western concept of “civilian” is alien to the ideology of Iran’s
sharia-supremacist regime. Let’s stick with what Guterres and other
transnational progressives say about civilian infrastructure, on their own
terms.
In essence, they are turning international law on its
head. By their lights, if objects having military value are somehow used by
civilians, they become civilian infrastructure. This would cover, for example,
the power plants and other structures around which the regime in Tehran has encouraged young Iranians to form human chains,
so as to shield them from attack.
In reality, an object that makes an effective
contribution to military action and whose destruction would confer a military
advantage is a military object, not mere civilian infrastructure, under Article 52 of the first Additional
Protocol (1977) to the Geneva Conventions (Protocol I).
Moreover, Protocol I has never been ratified by the
United States, even though it was signed by the Carter administration. Indeed,
President Reagan argued against its ratification, fearing that the pact would
effectively legitimize guerrilla warfare and terrorism — a common tactic of
both which is to exploit ostensible civilian infrastructure for military
purposes.
In any event, the U.S. Defense Department’s Law of War Manual, which guides our forces, draws on
Article 52’s careful qualification that objects having military value are not
civilian; it also notes: “The law of war requires that civilian infrastructure
not be used to seek to immunize military objectives from attack[.]” (Manual, p.
1034 n.50, quoting 2012 remarks by Obama State Department legal adviser Harold
Hongju Koh.)
To be clear, as I acknowledged in yesterday’s post, I am
not in a position to assess the military value of any specific infrastructure
target. It would be a profound error, in my view, for American or Israeli
forces to strike infrastructure that would cause immense pain to Iranian
noncombatants (most of the Iranian people) while providing only marginal
military advantage.
My purpose here is simply to refute the progressive
talking point that it is a war crime to attack infrastructure that benefits
civilians in any way. It is not . . . and legitimate military targets do not
become civilian infrastructure by coercing noncombatants into acting as human
shields.
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