By James Lynch
Thursday, January 01, 2026
If socialist New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani (D) lives
up to his promises, Big Apple residents can expect to see a proliferation of
homeless encampments and public drug use on their streets.
Ahead of his swearing-in, Mamdani promised to eliminate police sweeps of homeless
encampments on the grounds that merely enforcing laws against public camping
and drug use does little to shepherd the homeless population into permanent
housing. Instead, Mamdani has proposed a Department of Community Safety, which
will be tasked with responding to mental health crises — a job Mamdani argues
the police are poorly equipped to handle — and connecting the homeless to
permanent housing solutions.
The problem, policy experts tell National Review,
is that the population that typically inhabits homeless encampments have
already proven themselves resistant to moving into shelters, where drug use and
disruptive behavior are curtailed, and they are consequently not prepared to
inhabit unsupervised residences funded by the city.
“A very small portion of the homeless population lives on
the street, but that tends to be the most disordered and challenging
population,” said Devon Kurtz, public safety policy director at the Cicero
Institute, an Austin, Texas–based conservative think tank.
“Only about 4% of New York’s homeless population is
unsheltered,” Kurtz explained. “So you’re talking about a very, very small
portion, but these are people who are refusing the available services in
shelter in part because of their behavioral health factors and in part because
they’re just simply involved in criminal activity in these encampments.”
Already, New York City has generous “right to shelter”
laws for the homeless and offers ample resources to those looking for
assistance. But, research suggests the homeless people who end up in street
encampments are typically mentally ill and addicted to drugs. They also have
much higher rates of violent criminality than the general population, a
situation made worse when they’re concentrated in unpoliced encampments.
According
to city data, outgoing Mayor Eric Adams’s administration conducted 4,100
homeless encampment sweeps over an 18-month period spanning from January 2024
to June 2025. Because those sweeps prioritized maintaining public safety and
order, rather than connecting a reluctant population to permanent housing,
Mamdani declared them a failure.
“We cannot allow ourselves to become complacent with what
has become the norm in this city,” Mamdani said at a press conference earlier
this month. “And that doesn’t mean leaving New Yorkers to sleep in the cold. It
means connecting those New Yorkers with a place that they can actually be
warm.”
A worthy goal, no doubt, but one that the mayor and his
administration likely have little ability to effectuate, at least in the short
term, due to the particular challenges associated with the population of
homeless people who have thus far refused to take advantage of the city’s
shelters.
Homeless people are 130 times more likely to commit violent crimes than the
general population, and much more likely to be registered sex offenders.
Additionally, homeless people are 514 times more likely to commit arson than the general
public, creating a major safety hazard for residents in nearby buildings,
especially if Department of Community Safety social workers lack the coercive
powers delegated to the police.
The combination of drug addiction and violent crime means
those living out on the street have a three
times higher likelihood of death than the homeless in shelters. Overall,
homeless people have ten times the mortality rate of those in prisons and jail.
On the flip side, homeless people are much more likely to be murdered and sexually assaulted than the general public because of their
circumstances and criminality among their population.
Mamdani’s plan to leave homeless encampments in place
rests on the notion that the camp inhabitants will be better off so long as
they’re provided permanent housing. That philosophy is shared by left-wing
policymakers in California, who established a program of providing state-funded
hotel rooms and apartments to the homeless during Covid, no strings attached.
The policy led to the complete destruction of the motels and apartment buildings
that population was given access to, as well as a massive rise in drug
overdoses among the unsupervised residents.
A responsible housing solution that accounts for the
significant obstacles that separate the average homeless camp resident from
independent living would take years and a lot of creative policy making to
develop. Meanwhile, homeless camps would go unpoliced.
“Mamdani says what we need is permanent supportive
housing for the homeless, especially for the unsheltered. And there’s two main
problems with this. Number one, that that this stuff would not become available
for years or decades,” said Judge Glock, a senior fellow at the Manhattan
Institute, a New York-based conservative think tank specializing in urban
policy.
On top of that, the families currently in the shelter
system, who are in many circumstances better prepared to live independently,
would fall through the cracks.
“Why are you going to give people that are unsheltered
priority in permanent housing versus the people, and especially families, that
are in the shelter system for permanent housing. That is a very, very bad
incentive, and there is a reason that many cities do not do that. They do not
want people to move up the shelter system by telling them, if we clear an
encampment, we will give you housing indefinitely, for the rest of your life,”
he added.
“They should be putting people down the encampments in
shelters, and part of the general system that everyone else has to do, and not
giving them basically lifetime housing, because they refuse to go to the
shelter system.”
Allowing homeless camps to operate unabated is bad for
the homeless, but it also disproportionately harms the city’s lower-income
residents.
Data show that an increase in homeless encampments would
jeopardize public safety for those in the impacted neighborhoods, which are
typically poor and working-class areas, and the homeless people themselves.
“These will overwhelmingly continue in poor and
working-class areas, that most this is not the encampments are not springing up
in Gramercy Park, for obvious reasons. The encampments are springing up in much
poorer and lower income neighborhoods,” Glock said.
Making matters worse, the outgrowth of homeless
encampments effectively makes public spaces unusable for neighborhood residents
and their children. This burden would also fall on poor and working-class
families, who have less ability to access recreational spaces elsewhere.
“New York City in particular, does not have a bottomless
well of public space. It is a very tight city where every square foot of green
space is very highly valued by people in the neighborhood,” Glock said. “For
the obvious reason, there is not a lot of it, and effectively giving over large
chunks of the public space, of parks, of sidewalks and others to indefinite
encampments, means no one else can use them.”
These factors are unlikely to persuade the new mayor and
the leftist activist class insistent on allowing the homeless camps to grow
unabated. For them, homelessness is an ideological wedge against the entire
capitalist system they seek to dismantle and replace.
“ I
think the bigger problem is ideological. There is a strong belief among these
organizations that homelessness exists as a result of capitalism, and that
unless you abolish capitalism, you will never actually abolish homelessness,” Kurtz said.
“There’s also a strong belief that psychiatric treatment
is actually wrong. It’s what could be described as the anti-psychiatry
movement, which is very, very strong in these circles. They don’t believe that
schizophrenics ought to be treated, that in fact they should be allowed to live
in this sort of alternative existence.”
Moreover, greater public visibility of homeless people
could strengthen political support for more funding of homeless services,
potentially enriching activist-oriented nonprofit organizations through
increased public grants. This small but influential activist lobby considers
permanent housing for homeless people who refuse to go to shelters to be the
only solution to the problem.
“There is a small but radical homeless advocacy lobby
that has convinced many people in public office for years, most importantly
among the progressive left in urban centers, that the only solution to these
encampments is offering heavily subsidized or free housing for the rest of
their lives, for anybody in them, and that’s their position,” Glock emphasized.
Throughout the campaign, Mamdani took pains to distance
himself from his past support for defunding the police. His decision to retain
well-regarded police commissioner Jessica Tisch reflects Mamdani’s initial
attempt to take a more pragmatic approach to law-and-order than his history
would indicate.
Mamdani begins his mayoral tenure as a leftist upstart
whose natural charisma and penchant for virality turned him into a national
phenomenon. If homelessness and disorder spike under his watch, his political
fortunes could change quickly.
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