National Review Online
Wednesday, October 28, 2026
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu managed to defy the
polls once again. With votes still being counted in Israel, it appears that
both his Likud party and his broader right-wing coalition will emerge with the
largest numbers. But neither he nor his chief opponent, Gadi Eisenkot, will
have a sufficient number of votes to give them a clear path to forming a
majority government.
Under Israel’s complicated multiparty parliamentary
system, it takes a coalition of 61 seats to put together a government in the
120-seat Knesset. With about 85 percent of the vote in, Netanyahu’s Likud was
at 27 seats and his coalition was at 54 seats, while Eisenkot’s newly formed
Yashar party was at 22 seats and his broader anti-Bibi coalition had slipped to
just 49.
A surge in turnout among Arab voters led to a significant
haul for the Arab parties, which look like they’ll end up controlling around 17
seats. In theory, Eisenkot could gain a majority by allying with one of the
Arab parties, or he could join a unity government with Netanyahu at the helm.
But while campaigning, he ruled out serving under Netanyahu or partnering with
the Arab parties given that their leaders have been unwilling
to identify Hamas as a terrorist organization.
Prior to the election, one scenario was floated in which
Eisenkot could form a fragile minority government, in which an Arab party would
vote for the formation of an anti-Netanyahu government without formally joining
it. But that assumed Eisenkot would be one or two seats short of a majority,
whereas currently he is a dozen seats away.
The prospect of a unity government with Netanyahu that
would freeze out far-right ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich would
certainly have an appeal to many in Eisenkot’s coalition. And when it comes to
matters of war and peace — ending Hamas rule in Gaza and countering Hezbollah
and Iran — there is a lot of overlap between Netanyahu and Eisenkot. But two
issues will be hard to square. One is Eisenkot’s insistence on an independent
inquiry into the security failures that led to October 7. And another is his
support for ending various exemptions that have allowed ultra-Orthodox
communities to avoid military service, placing more of a burden on Israeli
reservists who have had to spend long stretches away from their families and
jobs over the past three years on multiple tours of duty.
Netanyahu opposes an October 7 inquiry, and he is closely
allied with the ultra-Orthodox parties, which bitterly oppose conscription in
their communities. In addition to these barriers, there is the broader issue
that Eisenkot and his allies are eager to move on from Netanyahu. When exit
polls initially showed Eisenkot with the largest vote share, he called on
Netanyahu to step down and retire from politics.
If the current results hold, Netanyahu will be given the
first shot at forming a government, setting up political jockeying over the
next few weeks. But unless one of Eisenkot’s campaign promises gets tossed
aside, Israel will be heading to another election a few months from now.
If that happens, Netanyahu would stay in power in the
meantime. That would enable him to resume the war in Iran, something that
President Trump has telegraphed for after the U.S. midterm elections next week.
Netanyahu would be left with the hope that by the time of the do-over Israeli
election, his domestic fortunes will change.
Though this can’t be treated as a victory for Netanyahu,
it would — for now — be another example of survival from a cunning politician
who has already managed to serve as prime minister of Israel in three stints
totaling 19 years since 1996 — by far the longest tenure of any Israeli leader.
A majority of the country may have just voted against him, but it’s looking
like he will live another day.
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