By James Kirchick
Monday, October 26, 2026
On October 3, 2013, the nominally left-wing British
political journalist Mehdi Hasan appeared on Question Time, the United
Kingdom’s flagship current events discussion show. The panel was discussing a
controversy involving the Daily Mail when Hasan, then serving as
political editor of Huffington Post UK, referred to the right-wing
tabloid as “immigrant-bashing, woman-hating, Muslim-smearing, NHS-undermining,
[and] gay-baiting.”
The following day, a letter that Hasan had written to Mail
editor Paul Dacre three years prior popped up on a British political gossip
blog. “Although I am on the left of the political spectrum, and disagree with
the Mail’s editorial line on a range of issues, I have always admired the
paper’s passion, rigor, boldness and, of course, news values,” Hasan wrote,
stating that he was “very keen to write” for the publication. Appealing to the Mail’s
traditionalist ethos, Hasan said that he was “not a Labour tribalist and am
often ultra-critical of the left—especially on social and moral issues,”
praised “the Mail’s social conservatism on issues like marriage, the family,
abortion and teenage pregnancies,” and pitched himself as a “contrarian” critic
of the left, whom he described as having “lost touch with their own traditions
and the British public.” Hasan’s “own unabashed social conservatism,” he
explained, “derives from my Islamic faith.
Exposed for what he himself described as his
“sycophantic” careerism, Hasan tried at the time to laugh the matter off.
“Guess what?” he tweeted. “The Mail don’t like [me] very much now. But my offer
to write a weekly column for them still stands. :-)” This was not the first
time Hasan had been exposed for two-facedness. In 2009, upon his appointment as
political editor of the venerable New Statesman and one year before his
obsequious letter to Dacre extolling his “unabashed social conservatism”
inspired by “my Islamic faith,” videos of Hasan delivering impassioned and
liturgically detailed sermons about the Koran appeared online. Non-Muslims, he
declared, are “people of no intelligence” and “cattle” who are “incapable of
the intellectual effort it requires to shake off those blind prejudices.” In
another, he equated homosexuality with pedophilia, incest, alcoholism, murder,
bestiality, and being “a music lover.”
Confronted with these clips, Hasan claimed that he was
merely reciting Koranic verses, not endorsing them, a defense belied by his
passionate finger-pointing and aggressive tone. When the remarks resurfaced a
few years later, once he joined the Huffington Post, he insisted that
the videos were “selectively edited,” recited some of the nasty online comments
he had received, and denounced the criticism as part of a sinister attempt to
“silence Muslims.” When his comments arose again in 2019, he apologized for what
he called “dumb offensive ranty stuff.”
By that point, Hasan had moved to America, where he was
working as an anchor for Al Jazeera and hosting a podcast for the Intercept,
a website dedicated to publishing damaging information about the American
national security apparatus from a radical left-wing, anti-imperialist
perspective.1 But the exposure of Hasan’s Islamist rantings did
little to hinder his rise. In October 2020, the same month he became an
American citizen, NBC’s Peacock streaming network gave Hasan an eponymous show,
which began to appear the following year on MSNBC (now MSNOW). In November
2023, a month after the Hamas massacre on October 7, the network cancelled his
show “in favor of more straight news coverage of the conflict,” according to Politico.
Hasan announced that he was leaving MSNBC two months later and, six weeks after
that, released a curiously well-produced video announcing the launch of a new
media outlet called Zeteo, an ancient Greek word meaning “to inquire.” Hasan
continues to host an interview program for Al Jazeera.
The reason I identify Hasan as “nominally left-wing” is
because while he has become one of the most influential commentators on the
American left, he spends very little time drawing attention to the sorts of
issues that have traditionally engrossed American leftists: the cost of living,
jobs, health care, entitlements, climate change, etc. Hasan’s primary
journalistic passion is “Palestine” and the “genocide” he accuses Israel of
perpetrating there. Indeed, a survey of Hasan’s work in the three years since the
October 7 pogrom gives the appearance of a man who came to America with a
single purpose: to promote Third Worldist ideology—and hatred of Israel in
particular—among American liberals.
Hasan hardly introduced these ideas to America, where
they have long festered in higher education and on the outer fringes of the
left. But the sudden popularity of Third Worldism in the aftermath of October 7
can be attributed in large part to individuals of foreign origin either
residing legally in the United States as visa holders or, as in Hasan’s case,
naturalized citizens. Given the nearly limitless number of people who would
jump at the chance to become American citizens and who share the country’s values,
why is this priceless privilege routinely handed out to individuals like Hasan?
The growing number of such cases demonstrates that it is long past time to
institute what might be called the Mehdi Hasan Test, the parameters of which
would be very simple: People with the views and associations of Mehdi Hasan
should be barred from American citizenship.
While he now acts the part of a loyal soldier in the
left’s coalition of victim groups, Hasan’s mask does occasionally slip. Last
year, after President Donald Trump demanded that ABC fire late-night host Jimmy
Kimmel, Hasan tweeted, “They literally don’t understand comedy or free speech.
We are governed by snowflake morons.” This was rich coming from Hasan, who,
after the 2015 Islamist massacre of French cartoonists in response to drawings
of the Prophet Muhammad, argued that the most important issue wasn’t defending
the principle of free expression but asking whether liberals would publish
“cartoons mocking the Holocaust” or “caricatures of the 9/11 victims falling
from the twin towers.” Asked by Piers Morgan earlier this year if he was
pleased that the Ayatollah Khamenei was no longer ruling Iran, Hasan refused to
answer the question—six times.
This past September, three days after the 25th
anniversary of 9/11, Hasan favorably quoted Osama bin Laden: “If Bush says we
hate freedom, let him tell us why we didn’t attack Sweden, for example.…I say
to you, God knows that it had never occurred to us to strike the towers. But
after it became unbearable and we witnessed the oppression and tyranny of the
American/Israeli coalition against our people in Palestine and Lebanon, it came
to my mind.” Though Hasan is Shia, his goal is largely the same as that of the
late Sunni terrorist: to withdraw the United States from the world, destroy
Israel, overthrow secular Arab regimes, and hasten the spread of Islam.
Hasan is highly active on X, where one recent post serves
as a paragon of his mendacity. Above a quote from Trump’s address to the United
Nations General Assembly—“Do I annihilate the Islamic Republic, and do it
quickly? Do I drive them into hell?”—Hasan asked, “Just imagine for a moment if
the Iranian president stood up at the UN, imagine if Ahmadinejad had come to
the UNGA, and said: ‘Do I annihilate the Jewish state, and do it quickly? Do I
drive Israel into hell?’ Imagine the Western and global and media response and
outcry.”
Everything noxious about Hasan—his deception, his moral
equivocation, his whataboutery —is on display in this post. Just seconds before
uttering the line Hasan quoted, Trump had asked, “Will a deal be made with Iran
that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was
before?” Clearly, Trump was not calling for the annihilation of Iran as a
country but of its belligerently anti-Western regime, much in the
way Allied leaders called for the defeat of the Axis powers and not the
eradication of Germany, Italy, and Japan. And even if Trump’s language was
heated, it’s hardly on the level of a theocratic dictatorship for which “Death
to America” is a founding motto. Finally, Hasan’s invocation of Iranian
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad calling for the annihilation of Israel wasn’t a
hypothetical; speaking to reporters at the UN in 2012, Ahmadinejad actually
promised that Israel “would be eliminated.”
Hasan is not just an Islamic supremacist but what the
British call a “chancer,” an opportunist who exploits other people in
underhanded ways to advance his own agenda. So consumed have they become with
the cause of Palestine that many progressives have been duped into believing
that a stealth Islamist shares their secular concerns. They accept the pretense
of Hasan as a good fellow leftist, ignoring or ignorant of the spittle-flecked
street preacher denouncing infidels in mosques likely under MI5 surveillance.
This is the dynamic of the red-green alliance, whereby cunning Islamists
manipulate oblivious progressives to further their sectarian goals. The process
is furthest along with the Green Party in Hasan’s native Britain, where
Islamists are rapidly transforming what was originally an environmentalist
party (led by a gay Jew, no less!) into something truly sinister.
To be sure, naturalized citizens have no less of a right
to criticize their country than natural-born ones have, and denaturalizing a
citizen over his speech is an intolerable violation of the First Amendment.
What grates is the proportion and intensity of the criticism from people who
chose to come to America and were welcomed with open arms. When we listen to
immigrants such as Hasan, Representative Ilhan Omar, and others with origins in
faraway lands run down the country that accepted them, an obvious question
arises: Why did you come here? Tangibly, the answer is straightforward. In
America, one can enjoy material comforts unavailable in the lands from which
they came (reliable electricity, semi-functional government, the absence of
open sewage). But everyone wants those things.
The question that ought distinguish those who should
become American citizens from those who should not is whether they embrace
American values. The videos of Hasan ranting about non-Muslim “cattle” and
“animals” alone should have disqualified him from American citizenship. While
there’s no evidence that Zeteo is funded by the Qatari government, Hasan
remains on the Qatari payroll, and the messages he delivers day in and day out
accord with those of his foreign benefactors. It’s decidedly un-American for an
American citizen, least of all a recently naturalized one, to tell another that
he “should set us all an example and head back to Eastern Europe,” as Hasan
once did to Trump adviser Stephen Miller.
There are freedom-loving Muslims around the world who
would make fine American citizens. Mehdi Hasan fails the test.
1 The Intercept was founded in 2014 by Glenn
Greenwald, Laura Poitras, and Jeremy Scahill as an outgrowth of Greenwald and
Poitras’s Pulitzer Prize-winning collusion with the NSA leaker (and likely
Russian agent) Edward Snowden. See my article about Greenwald and Scahill, “Treason
Chic,” COMMENTARY, October 2013.
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