National Review Online
Tuesday, October 06, 2026
Violent protests, so the complacent conventional wisdom
goes, are a venerable French tradition. With notable exceptions, they change
little of real consequence, other than acting as a permanent reminder to French
governments that there may be a price to be paid in the streets for doing the
right thing — a recipe for stagnation that is a matter of considerable
consequence.
France’s latest round of rioting, nominally a protest
about underfunded schools, is proving to be unusually violent as well as
perversely destructive. Burning down or attacking schools is an unorthodox way
of improving them. And there are legitimate fears that the disorder, which is
being encouraged, at least to some degree, by leftist agitators who have long
since left the classroom, may spread further still. There is speculation that
this may even be a dress rehearsal for massive disturbances should Marine Le
Pen’s populist-right RN win next year’s presidential elections.
France’s presidential elections are a two-round contest,
a structure that winnows out wilder candidates and typically ensures that the
eventual victor will be a candidate, whether from left or right, sympathetic to
“republican values.” This system had been crumbling for a while, in no small
part because of the supposedly centrist policies (on, for example, immigration
or the euro) pursued by France’s establishment parties. It went through a
near-death experience at the hands of current President Emmanuel Macron, an
insider who won election as an outsider in 2017 and then did immense damage to
what remained of the old party structure.
Meanwhile, mass immigration continued, and, as has been
made evident yet again by the current rioting, assimilation has proved
incomplete, a failure that now stretches across several generations. As a
result, the RN (previously the National Front) has long since emerged from the
fringe. These riots will do the RN no harm. On the far left, a relative
newcomer, the far-left LFI under Jean-Luc Mélenchon, celebrates the “creolization” of France and is appealing to younger
voters, immigrants, and their descendants, as well as to Islamists as
co-belligerents, a strategy that the left is using elsewhere in Europe. The
role played by some in the LFI, tacit or otherwise, in encouraging violence
presumably rests on their understanding that for the right audience, violence
makes an excellent recruiting sergeant. Moreover, were it to lead to a response
by the authorities that could be characterized as an overreaction or that
generates a martyr or two, so much the better.
Adding to the mess are rumblings of unease in the
financial markets. France’s debt-to-GDP ratio now stands at 120 percent of GDP, its deficit at about 5.4 percent. French ten-year bond yields are now close to
24-year highs, increasing the country’s budget woes even as the government
struggles to cut spending. If necessary, the European Central Bank can
intervene to try to tamp down panic, but that’s a remedy that stores up
problems for another day, not that Paris would be likely to worry too much
about that.
For now, however, the government needs to restore order —
and soon — if the rioting is not to spread further. Thereafter, it will
doubtless be focused on the budget and trying to avoid next year’s runoff being
between Mélenchon and Le Pen, two tricky problems. As to the first, giving the
can another kick down the road looks like a good bet. So far as the second is
concerned, a recent speech by one presidential hopeful, former Prime Minister Gabriel Attal, in which he called for yet more EU
integration merely adds to already overwhelming evidence that France and indeed
Europe’s radicalized “centrists” remain incapable of addressing the scale of
the disaster they have done so much to create.
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