By Noah Rothman
Monday, October 05, 2026
Depending on your political persuasion, the Wall Street Journal’s informal focus group featuring
six “Democratic voters,” two of whom expressed irreconcilable objections to
Abdul El-Sayed’s candidacy for U.S. Senate in Michigan, might produce one of
two reactions: Wow, two out of six Democrats won’t back El-Sayed, or, My
God, only two out of six Democrats won’t back El-Sayed.
“Being on this panel made me lose all faith in the
party,” one of the two dissenters on the panel, 18-year-old Stanford University
student Samson Cain, wrote last week.
I asked him what he meant by that.
“This is not an isolated event but, rather, part of a
broader trend,” Cain explained in a Monday interview with National Review.
“I feel like the party is going in a very dangerous direction.”
“It seemed first of all like the DSA [Democratic
Socialists of America] in the progressive wing of the party was not just a
fringe idea but very popular,” he added. Cain spoke with disdain about the DSA
agenda: “abolishing police and prisons, nationalizing essential industries,
abolishing the Senate, abolishing the Supreme Court.” To Cain, most
participants on that call seemed either supportive of those specific policies
or at least enthusiastic about what he called the DSA’s “mission.”
“This didn’t make it into the final video, but I found
myself having to defend capitalism as an institution,” Cain continued. “We got
to a point where there was a discussion not just about reforming capitalism but
whether it was the right system.”
The university student confessed: “I walked away from
this call thinking to myself, ‘Wow, I really don’t agree with these people on
just about [anything].’”
Democratic partisans will take solace in Cain’s admission
that he does not see himself as a rock-solid Democratic voter (his billing by WSJ
notwithstanding). “I didn’t exactly consider myself a true Democrat walking
in,” he said. Cain says he identifies as a centrist independent and identified
himself as such on that call. Yet he conceded that there was no point in this
election cycle in which he “seriously considered” voting for Democratic
candidates.
The Democratic Party would, however, be fooling itself if
members conclude that Cain — and young men like him — were never persuadable.
He caught the Journal’s eye because of his work with Promise to America, a center-left advocacy organization
dedicated to beating back the far left’s influence from within the Democratic
milieu. “I have a very fundamental belief in free markets and, you know, a
strong national defense,” Cain explained. That those have become
“right-of-center” views, in Cain’s words, reflects less on him than on the
Democratic Party.
When it comes to El-Sayed, Cain told the Journal that
his problem was with the company the candidate keeps — in particular, the
incendiary streamer Hasan Piker. But Israel did not feature prominently in our
discussion of the Michigan candidate’s demerits.
“I think you see a huge mischaracterization of how the
economy works on the progressive left,” Cain explained. “Just recently, he gave
an interview saying he’d rather have one thousand millionaires than one
billionaire. Like, sure. Okay. But the reality is, the economy doesn’t work
that way. In fact, they feed off each other. And, in fact, the more
billionaires you have, the more millionaires you have as well.”
When the Journal’s panelists were asked to look
ahead to the 2028 presidential nominating contest, Cain emphasized his
preference for a candidate with “electability.” He cited Kentucky Governor Andy
Beshear as an example of that kind of candidate. If the party goes in a
different direction, though, and assuming the GOP does not alienate him
further, “there’s quite a good chance that, in 2028, it is, in fact, a
Republican that I end up voting for.”
Cain does not, however, have many kind words for the GOP.
“People don’t feel that they’ve taken the affordability issue seriously,” he
said. Say what you will about the DSA, for Cain “it’s very obvious” that the
socialist left “is taking the affordability issue very seriously,” even if he
opposes the DSA’s approach. By contrast, when it comes to Democratic leaders
like Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer, “you have no idea what they believe
other than that they don’t like Trump.”
Cain, who recently published a taxonomy of the primary political outlooks among his
generational cohort, expressed his concern that Gen Z’s inclination toward
“conspiratorial” and “anti-establishment” thinking “paves the way for more
dangerous ideologies.” Nothing about that outlook would be alien to the
Democratic Party as it was conceived a generation ago. Today, however, Cain’s
political outlook — his support for the capitalist enterprise and a strong
national defense, and his rejection of radicalism of all stripes — is all but
anathema to the center- and far-left alike.
“If the Democratic Party could make a concerted effort to
get rid of the crazy progressive wing, get rid of the DSA, unequivocally
condemn a lot of these policies and ideas, and reform themselves to a more
Clintonian 1990s version of the party, that would make me a gettable voter,” he
concluded. “But at this point, I feel that we’re going in the exact opposite
direction.”
Cain conceded that the Democratic Party didn’t actually lose
him this year, but that’s partly because it never set out to win him over in
the first place. The party that sets out to get Samson Cain may find
that he represents more voters than either party seems to understand.
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