Saturday, July 4, 2026

The American Creed, for All Americans

By Jonah Goldberg

Saturday, July 04, 2026

 

Happy 250, minus a day. Unless you’re reading this on Saturday, in which case: Happy 250!

 

When I say “Happy 250,” “Happy Fourth of July,” or “Happy Independence Day,” it doesn’t matter whether you just got your green card or if you’re a family that came over and farmed Massachusetts soil two-and-a-half centuries ago. It’s the same holiday, and you have the same ownership of it. Or at least the same right to claim ownership of it.

 

There are lots of people who like to talk about America as if “ownership” of America builds up in the bloodlines of patriots over time. If you have ancestors who came over on a sailboat in the 18th century, they view you as more American than if your parents came here in a lifeboat from Vietnam in the 1970s. Some even assign letter grades based on how far back your American family tree goes. If your family came through Ellis Island a century ago, you’ll never be more than a Grade C American.

 

We should be clear: This is just a form of identity politics. It literally grades individuals on a metric they have zero control over. It’s no different than assigning grades based on skin color, sex, or height. You have as much control over who your grandparents were as you do over how tall you are. It’s fine to be proud of your grandparents or grateful that you’re tall, but don’t pretend it’s a personal accomplishment.

 

I have no problem with people being proud of their family histories; in fact, I applaud it when a family history is something to be proud of. But grading the quality of Americans by their ancestry is disgusting to me. It’s also stupid.

 

But I should also say this metric of patriotism flatly contradicts my personal experience. I know people with ancestors going back to Colonial America (as I do on my mother’s side),  and I’ve known people who have no American ancestors at all because they’re immigrants. All along that spectrum, from “heritage Americans” to just-off-the-boat Americans and everyone in between, I don’t think I’ve seen any meaningful correlation with someone’s patriotism.

 

This is not to say that all first- or second-generation immigrant families are super patriotic and all “heritage Americans” aren’t. Some recent arrivals are remarkably ungrateful to be here (indeed, some market their ingratitude to get elected to public office). And some old families pass their love of country from one generation to the next like they’re making additions to an ever-improving family project. I’m just saying that in my experience, you can’t predict who is patriotic based on how long their family has been here. Love of country is distributed according to different criteria than the number of branches on your American family tree.

 

Creed, culture, and Christianity.

 

One of the oldest debates on the right is whether America is a nation or an idea. Much like the nature-vs.-nurture debate, when serious people discuss it in good faith, the consensus is virtually always “both.”  Here’s my friend Ramesh Ponnuru, editor of National Review, on the most recent edition of  The Editors podcast:

 

I think we’re obviously both a creed and a culture. We’re a culture that includes a creed. And the creed is to a significant extent, an extrusion from that culture. It’s a cultural achievement. The creed is important because it serves the people, the American people. They’re the point of it. They’re what instantiates its value. So I just think that this creed versus culture argument just ends up being a false dichotomy and should be basically abandoned.

 

When unserious people, or serious demagogues, debate this, they almost always straw-man their opponents. J.D. Vance rejects “the logic of America as a purely creedal nation.” Because according to that logic, he says, “billions” of people can become Americans if they “agree with the principles of the Declaration of Independence.” Precious few people are making that argument. But it sounds brave to stand up to it all the same.

 

Some people I admire do say “America is an idea.” But I’ve never heard any of them follow up such statements with “and therefore let’s open the borders to everyone who agrees with it.”

 

But I don’t want to hash out the creed vs. culture debate again. Instead, I want to push back against my own position, in part by extruding from Ramesh’s remarks about the creed being an extrusion of the culture.

 

Normally when you hear people—including me—argue “it’s both,” we talk about it like the creed and culture arguments are two sides of the same coin. But that analogy implies alternating states. The possible results of a coin flip are binary: Either heads wins, or tails does. The coin has both a creed and culture side, but it’s still zero-sum. As with the nature vs. nurture argument, we say it’s “both,” but what we often mean is that some things are 100 percent nature and some are 100 percent nurture. And sometimes that’s true. Your eye color is 100 percent genetic. The language you speak is 100 percent nurture.

 

But the creed and the culture are marbled, blended, mixed. Our culture is very creedal. Our creed is very much the product of a culture, even though our creed has some vital universal principles within it. Comparatively few Americans know who John Locke was, but the cultural stew they live in has all sorts of Lockean bits and flavors.

 

I wrote a lot about all this in Suicide of the West. In that book, I was largely trying to persuade progressives that the ideas and ideals that define America, and liberal democratic capitalism more broadly, are the best tools to accomplish what they claim to want. If you think the goals of the state or politics should be to improve health, education, autonomy, freedom, happiness, and prosperity, then the tribalisms of socialism and identity politics won’t get you there.

 

Because I was trying to convince people to my left, I tried to make arguments on their terms, starting with the book’s opening sentence: “There is no God in this book.” I probably should have started, “God doesn’t need to be in this book,” because he sneaked in at the end. But the point of that line was to say that you can defend the moral superiority of our system without appeals to divine authority.

 

I’m working on a new book, and it’s aimed in a different direction. I don’t want to cannibalize any of that while I’m still working on it. But there’s one realization that I think is worth discussing here and now.

 

One of the most radical things about Christianity was the way it undermined notions of ethnicity and nationality. For a Viking, Celt, Roman, or Gaul to become Christian meant largely—though obviously not entirely— jettisoning your tribal notions of ethnicity and ancestry and adopting those of another people. Matthew Rose writes in A World After Liberalism: Five Thinkers Who Inspired the Radical Right:

 

Christianity also disrupts our relation to history, weakening the traditions and bonds of memory that link us to ancestors. Christian faith is anti-traditional in one glaring respect: it requires gentiles to adopt the sacred history and even the deity of another community, connecting their deepest beliefs to the unique experiences of a foreign people. Perhaps no aspect of Christian life is so spiritually deracinating, so subtly subversive of human customs. In requiring this of gentiles, Christianity revolutionized their experience of time, turning history into a story defined by its overcoming.

 

This aspect of Christianity infuriated many radical right-wing critics of liberalism. Many doctrinaire Nazis resented the way Christianity replaced reverence for Teutonic ancestors with reverence for a Mediterranean Jew.

 

In Galatians 3:26-29, Christians are told:  

 

For in Christ Jesus you are all sons of God, through faith. For as many of you as were baptized into Christ have put on Christ. There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is no male and female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus. And if you are Christ’s, then you are Abraham’s offspring, heirs according to promise.

 

By becoming a Christian, your story becomes part of the story of Abraham, Israel, and of course, Jesus. This was one of the most transformative changes in all of history, and it was the foundation of what became known as Western Civilization.”

 

The point I want to make is that the American founding does something similar. When you become an American, the Founding Fathers become in a real way your ancestors. The American story becomes your national story.

 

Whatever you think of Justice Clarence Thomas, it is an amazing thing that this descendant of slaves stolen from Africa is the most zealous originalist on the Supreme Court, and in some ways the most influential “descendant” of the Founding Fathers in American intellectual life. He is certainly one of the most revered figures among those inclined to insist we are a nation of culture, not creed. But for Thomas, the culture is his creed, and the creed is his culture. Talking about where one leaves off and the other begins is a fool’s errand.  

 

Which brings me back to where I started. When a Christian tells another Christian “Merry Christmas” or “Happy Easter,” it’s the same thing as an American saying “Happy Fourth of July” to another American. That Christian can be one in a long line of Christians going back to Jerusalem. Or he can be a Christian who converted yesterday. Once you become an American, you have the same patrimony, at least in the civic sense. Once you become a Christian, you have the same patrimony in a theological sense. That is an amazing thing, to me at least.

 

American culture is many things, but one of the things it most obviously is, is liberal.  Americans don’t consult a text to demand their liberties and rights; they consult their hearts and souls. To talk about removing the love of liberty, the belief in equality before the law, or the sovereignty of the individual from the American character, like it’s as easy as erasing some words on a piece of paper, is a form of magical thinking common to intellectuals who like to fight with texts.

 

Most nationalists’ rhetoric about what is in a people’s “blood” is either harmless poetry or ugly nonsense. But if a people can have something in their blood, the American creed is in the blood of Americans. It doesn’t always show itself as much as I would like, but it’s there—and it can be called upon whether you’re a Grade A American or a Grade E American not long off the boat.

 

And that is worth celebrating.

 

Happy Fourth of July, everyone.

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