By David Frum
Wednesday, December 04, 2024
In his first major address as president, Harry
Truman urged Americans to use their enormous power “to serve and not to
dominate.”
The date was April 16, 1945. Adolf Hitler was still alive
in his bunker in Berlin. Americans were readying themselves for a bloody
invasion of the Japanese home islands. The atomic bomb remained a secret.
Yet Truman’s thoughts were already shifting
to the postwar future. “We must now learn to live with other nations for
our mutual good. We must learn to trade more with other nations so that there
may be, for our mutual advantage, increased production, increased employment,
and better standards of living throughout the world.”
Truman’s vision inspired American world leadership for
the better part of a century. From the Marshall Plan of the 1940s to the
Trans-Pacific Partnership of the 2010s, Americans sought to achieve security
and prosperity for themselves by sharing security and prosperity with
like-minded others. The United States became the center of a network of
international cooperation—not only on trade and defense, but on environmental
concerns, law enforcement, financial regulation, food and drug safety, and
countless other issues.
By enriching and empowering fellow democracies, Americans
enriched and empowered themselves too. The United States has led and sustained
a liberal world order in part because Americans are a generous people—and even
more so because the liberal world order is a great deal for Americans.
Open international trade is nearly always mutually
beneficial. Yet there is more to the case than economics. Trade,
mutual-protection pacts, and cooperation against corruption and terrorism also
make democracies more secure against authoritarian adversaries. Other great
powers—China, India, Russia—face suspicious and even hostile coalitions of
powerful enemies. The United States is backed by powerful friends. These
friendships reinforce U.S. power. By working with the European Central Bank,
for instance, the U.S. was able to freeze
hundreds of billions of dollars of Russian assets after the attack on Kyiv in
2022. Russia imagined those assets beyond American reach; they were not
domiciled in the United States. Yet when necessary, the U.S. could reach them
thanks to its friends.
Americans who lived through the great tumult of Truman’s
era understood that the isolationist slogan “America First” meant America
alone. America alone meant America weakened. That lesson was taught by harsh
experience: a depression that was deepened and prolonged by destructive tariff
wars, by each afflicted country’s hopeless attempt to rescue itself at the
expense of its neighbors; a world war that was enabled because democratic
powers would not act together in time against a common threat. The lesson was
reinforced by positive postwar experience: the creation of global institutions
to expand trade and preserve the peace; the U.S.-led defeat of Soviet Communism
and the triumphant end of the Cold War.
But in the years since, the harsh experience has faded
into half-forgotten history; the positive experience has curdled into regrets
and doubts.
***
Donald Trump is the first U.S. president since 1945 to
reject the worldview formed by the Great Depression, the Second World War, and
the Cold War.
Trump’s vision has no place for “mutual good” or “mutual
advantage.” To him, every trade has a winner and a loser. One side’s success is
the other side’s defeat. “We don’t beat China in trade,” he complained in the
first Republican presidential-primary debate of 2015. “We don’t beat Japan … We
can’t beat Mexico.” His deepest policy grievance is against those foreigners
who sell desirable goods and services at an attractive price to willing
American buyers.
Trump regularly disparages U.S. allies, and threatens to
abandon them. “We’re being taken advantage of by every country all over the
world, including our allies—and in many cases, our allies are worse than our
so-called enemies,” he said at a rally this November. But unlike the “America
First” movement before World War II, Trump’s “America First” vision is not
exactly isolationist. Trump’s version of “America First” is predatory.
In a midsummer interview, Trump demanded that Taiwan pay
the United States directly for defense. “I don’t think we’re any different from
an insurance policy,” he said. When the podcaster Joe Rogan asked Trump in
October about protecting Taiwan, Trump answered
in a more revealing way: “They want us to protect, and they want
protection. They don’t pay us money for the protection, you know? The mob makes
you pay money, right?”
American allies in fact make large contributions to
collective security. Total assistance to Ukraine from the European Union nearly
matches that of the United States. South Korea pays for the construction and
maintenance of U.S. facilities in Korea—and for the salaries of Koreans who
support U.S. forces. But Trump wants direct cash payments. In a speech to the
Economic Club of Chicago in October, he called for an annual levy of $10
billion from South Korea as the price of protection against North Korea.
Trump seems to have his eye on other payments too; in his
first term, he collected benefits for himself and members of his family.
Countries that wanted favorable treatment knew to book space at his Washington,
D.C., hotel or, it seemed, to dispense business favors to his children.
According to a 2024 report by Democrats on the House Oversight Committee,
Trump’s properties collected
at least $7.8 million from foreign sources during his first term.
In his second term, the stream of payments may surge into
a torrent. Trump owes more than half a billion dollars in civil penalties for
defamation and fraud. How will he pay? Who will help him pay? Trump’s need for
funds may sway U.S. foreign policy more than any strategy consideration. One of
his largest donors in 2024, Elon Musk, stands to benefit hugely from U.S. help
with government regulators in China and the EU. Musk is also a major government
contractor—and one with strong views about U.S. foreign policy. Over the past
few years, he has emerged as one of the fiercest critics of American support
for Ukraine. On November 6, Musk joined Trump’s first postelection call with
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. Those who invest in Trump—be they
foreign agents or mercurial billionaires—may, over the next four years, annex
U.S. power to reshape the world to their liking and their profit.
***
In 2019, Trump delivered a Fourth of July address on the
National Mall. The speech exulted in the fearsome lethality of the U.S.
military, but Trump had little to say about American ideals or democratic
institutions. Trump has never accepted that the United States is strengthened
by its values and principles, by a reputation for trustworthiness and fair
dealing. The U.S., to him, should command respect because it is the biggest and
strongest bully on the block. When his friend Bill O’Reilly asked him in a 2017
interview about Vladimir Putin, Trump scoffed at the idea that there might be
any moral difference between the U.S. and Russia. “You think our country’s so
innocent?”
Open trade and defensive alliances were already bumping
into domestic resistance even before Trump first declared himself a candidate
for the presidency. The U.S. has not entered into a new trade-liberalizing
agreement since the free-trade agreements with Colombia and Panama negotiated
by the George W. Bush administration and signed by President Barack Obama. The
Trans-Pacific Partnership was rejected by a Republican Senate during Obama’s
last year in office. The Biden administration maintained most of the protectionist
measures it inherited from Trump, then added more of its own.
But Trump uniquely accelerated America’s retreat from
world markets, and will continue to do so. His first-term revision of the North
American Free Trade Agreement preserved existing access to U.S. markets for
Canada and Mexico in return for raising higher barriers around all three North
American economies. He has nominated Jamieson Greer, who he said “played a key
role during my First Term in imposing Tariffs on China and others,” as U.S.
trade representative. The tariffs Trump desires, the protection money he seeks,
and his undisguised affinity for Putin and other global predators will weaken
America’s standing with traditional allies and new partners. How will the
United States entice Asian and Pacific partners to support U.S. security policy
against China if they are themselves treated as threats and rivals by the
makers of U.S. trade policy?
Trump supporters tell a story about Trump’s leadership.
They describe him as a figure of strength who will preserve world peace by
force of personality. Potential aggressors will be intimidated by his fierce
unpredictability.
This story is a fantasy. Trump was no more successful
than his predecessors at stopping China from converting atolls and sandbars in
the South China Sea into military bases. Chinese warships menaced maritime
neighbors on Trump’s watch. In September 2018, one passed within 45 yards of a
U.S. destroyer in international waters. In January 2020, Iran fired a missile
barrage against U.S. forces in Iraq, inflicting 109 traumatic brain injuries.
During Trump’s first presidency, the United States continued to fight two
shooting wars, one in Afghanistan and one against the Islamic State in Iraq and
Syria. Over those same four years, the Russian forces that invaded Crimea and
eastern Ukraine in 2014 inflicted more than 500 civilian casualties.
Every president puts a face on the abstraction that is
the American nation, and gives words to the American creed. Few spoke more
eloquently than Ronald Reagan, who famously compared the United States to a
“shining city on a hill.” In his farewell
address, Reagan asked, “And how stands the city on this winter night?”
Reagan could answer his own question in a way that made his country proud.
The “city on a hill” image ultimately traces back to the
New Testament: “A city that is set upon a hill cannot be hid.” The visible
hilltop location imposed extra moral responsibility on the city dwellers. Now
the hilltop will become a height from which to exercise arrogant control over
those who occupy the lower slopes and valleys—the dominance against which
Truman warned. Under Trump, America will act more proudly, yet have less to be
proud of. Its leaders will pocket corrupt emoluments; the nation will cower
behind tariff walls, demanding tribute instead of earning partnership. Some of
its citizens will delude themselves that the country has become great again,
while in reality it will have become more isolated and less secure.
Americans have tried these narrow and selfish methods
before. They ended in catastrophe. History does not repeat itself: The same
mistakes don’t always carry the same consequences. But the turn from protector
nation to predator nation will carry consequences bad enough.
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