By Noah Rothman
Monday, December 23, 2024
Donald Trump seems to have settled on a coherent and
consistent message in relation to America’s commitments to Ukraine’s defense
amid Russia’s war of territorial conquest — in private, at least.
On Friday, the Financial Times reported that Trump “plans to continue
supplying military aid to Ukraine,” a commitment that is not conditioned on
changes in the posture assumed by our European allies. He will, however, also
call for NATO member states to increase their defense budgets to 5 percent of
GDP.
That makes sense. If Russia’s war in Europe represents an
existential threat to the post-Cold War geopolitical order, Western Europe’s
great powers should mirror the defense commitments to which NATO’s frontline
states are already committing themselves. Trump cannot advocate for larger
defense budgets to meet growing challenges abroad while also dismissing the
threat posed by Russia’s aggressive expansionism — which he has on numerous
occasions, including just two weeks ago during a sit-down interview with NBC
News’s Kristen Welker.
Trump’s inconsistency raises questions about how much the
president-elect has bought into the policy his allies are retailing to
America’s European partners. One might even presume that setting defense
spending targets at 5 percent — well beyond even America’s budgetary
commitments — represents a trigger that Trump can cite whenever he wants to
flirt with abandoning Ukraine or even pulling out of NATO (a prospect he also
entertained in his interview with Welker). But the FT’s reporting
suggests Trump is not being deliberately unrealistic.
“One person said they understood that Trump would settle
for 3.5 percent,” the report added, “and that he was planning to explicitly
link higher defense spending and the offer of more favorable trading terms with
the U.S.” One unnamed European official observed that Trump’s ask is
essentially what’s already on the table ahead of NATO’s June summit.
It’s reasonable to wonder about Trump’s level of
commitment to this trial balloon. He has surrounded himself with skeptics of Ukraine’s cause, and his own rhetoric toward the leadership
in Kyiv grew more hostile over the course of the campaign. But the
view is always different from behind the Resolute Desk, and Trump’s first term
saw the United States adopt a confrontational approach toward Moscow that never squared
with the president’s rhetoric. A similar dynamic may now be emerging with
respect to Russia’s war in Ukraine, in which the president sounds
accommodationist but presides over policies that turn the screws on Russia.
That’s confusing in undesirable ways. A president should
mean what he says, and “peace through strength” only succeeds when America’s
adversaries believe the U.S. deterrent is credible. But the FT report is
a welcome step toward a consistent American foreign policy that takes its cues
not from the excitable discourse on social media but a rational assessment of
America’s core strategic interests on the European continent. It’s a Christmas
miracle!
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