National Review Online
Tuesday, December 03, 2024
Donald Trump swept the battleground states in 2024,
which won him the Electoral College and the presidency. But he won the national
popular vote in large part because he reduced Democrats’ margins in blue
states. Compared to Joe Biden’s 2020 vote share, Kamala Harris did five points
worse in New Jersey and Massachusetts, four points worse in New York and
California, and three points worse in Illinois and Connecticut, netting Trump
millions of votes.
Blue states have been losing residents — and House seats
and presidential electors. Two of the top beneficiaries have been Florida and
Texas, which each gained House seats after the 2020 Census and are projected to
gain seven total House seats after the 2030 Census. Despite the influx in
population, Texas remains safely red, and Florida went from a swing state to a
red state.
Voters are fleeing and rejecting the big-spending,
high-tax, anti-worker agendas of blue states, much to Republicans’ political
benefit. That’s why Trump’s intent to nominate Representative Lori
Chavez-DeRemer (R., Ore.) as secretary of labor makes no sense. She has
supported legislation that would make the red-state model of governance nearly
impossible and empower the same unions that contribute to blue states’ woes.
Blue states with strong government unions have a
taxpayer-funded interest group entrenched in the government itself that will
always demand more spending, which inevitably means more taxes. Absurd
disparities between states — such as how New York’s government spends roughly
twice as much per person as Florida’s — result from such constant union
pressure. These unions also oppose Republican policy goals such as school
choice and civil-service reform and support Republican bogeymen such as DEI,
ESG, and abortion.
States need to be free to restrict the power of these
unions, which even many supporters of the New Deal labor laws that still govern
unions today, including President Franklin Roosevelt, believed should not
exist. But Chavez-DeRemer co-sponsored the Public Service Freedom to Negotiate
Act, which would force the blue-state model of government unions onto red
states.
That bill would force all states to engage in collective
bargaining with all public employees, effectively overturning most red states’
laws limiting the practice. It would nationalize all public-sector bargaining
rules by giving the Federal Labor Relations Authority power to overrule state
officials if rules don’t meet arbitrarily defined “minimum standards.” It would
prohibit past Republican reforms championed by Scott Walker and Ron DeSantis,
such as mandatory union recertification elections, and reinstate automatic dues
deduction from public employees, which Arkansas, Florida, Kentucky, and
Tennessee have ended just in the past two years.
Kamala Harris, Bernie Sanders, most Democrats in
Congress, the teachers’ unions, AFSCME, the Teamsters, and Lori Chavez-DeRemer
support the Public Service Freedom to Negotiate Act. Not one Republican senator
does.
Chavez-DeRemer also supports the PRO Act, which would
invalidate right-to-work laws in all 27 states that currently have them.
Republican governors know how valuable right-to-work laws are for luring
businesses fleeing blue states. Overwhelming majorities of Americans, including
union members, support the commonsense idea that union membership should always
be voluntary, but union bosses would prefer government compel their dues.
The PRO Act would restrict independent contracting along
similar lines as California’s A.B. 5, one of those blue-state policies voters
resent. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, about 12 million Americans
use independent contracting as their primary source of income, and 80 percent
of them prefer independent contracting over traditional employment. Workers
today want flexibility and self-control, not rigidity and union control.
Kamala Harris, Bernie Sanders, most Democrats in
Congress, the teachers’ unions, the United Auto Workers, the Teamsters, and
Lori Chavez-DeRemer support the PRO Act. Not one Republican senator does.
It would be one thing if these anti-conservative policy
stances were necessary concessions Chavez-DeRemer had to make to win in her
Oregon swing district. But she lost after only one term in the House.
It’s not as though Republican senators don’t have ideas
on labor policy. Senator Rand Paul (R., Ky.) has introduced the National
Right-to-Work Act, which would simply strike some words from federal labor law
to guarantee that union membership is voluntary for all workers nationwide.
That bill has 31 Republican co-sponsors. Senator Tim Scott (R., S.C.) has
introduced the Employee Rights Act, which would protect workers from union
intimidation, guarantee secret-ballot elections for unionization, and ensure the
continuation of the independent-contracting jobs that so many workers like.
That bill has 27 Republican co-sponsors.
It’s not a coincidence that the chamber of Congress
designed to protect states’ interests has a majority of Republican senators
lined up against the pro-union ideas Chavez-DeRemer supports. Red-state
senators know why red states are succeeding, and it’s not because their
governments are cozy with Big Labor.
One argument for the Chavez-DeRemer pick is that it’s a
necessary token for the labor unions which at least refrained from endorsing
Harris. But the cabinet position is a much bigger prize than warranted for
neutrality, especially given that plenty of right-to-work conservatives went
all in for Trump.
Over 95 percent of private-sector unionized workers today
never voted for their union to represent them. When given the freedom to choose
through right-to-work laws or Supreme Court decisions, union membership rates
inevitably decline. Half of U.S. union members today work for government, and
government unions stand in the way of Trump’s policy agenda. A Republican
administration needs a secretary of labor who will stand for workers, not
organized labor. The future of red states’ success depends on it.
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