By
Jeffrey Blehar
Tuesday,
June 06, 2023
Hwæt! News has just come down
from the U.K. Telegraph that the venerable dons of the Cambridge
University (est. 1209) Department of Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic History —
apparently suffering from a profound crisis of identity — will now be
instructing their students that “Anglo-Saxons aren’t real.” Apparently,
anti-racists at Cambridge have determined that the phrase smacks too much of
“the myth of nationalism.”
Britain
being the multicultural melting pot it is, emphasizing its Anglo-Saxon roots
now apparently seems as churlish as emphasizing its Norman French ones during
the Napoleonic Wars. (The Welsh, Scots, and Irish are also purportedly not
supposed to have ever “existed” as coherent ethnic groups under Cambridge’s new
rubric, which will be news to my colleague
Michael Brendan Dougherty at the very least.)
This
alone suggests why the entire exercise is such insultingly ahistorical
nonsense. First of all, nationalism is not a myth. While in its modern form —
as a politically unifying force giving coherence to an internationally
recognized state — it is certainly a creation of the 19th century, the idea of
ethnically or culturally coherent identity groups goes back, transparently, to
the dawn of humanity. (The German word Deutsch literally
descends from a proto-Indo-European root that functionally means “us
people as distinct from them.”)
It must
be understood that the complexities of British identity are various and ongoing,
and the idea of a “national identity” as one that binds together different
races, native languages, or ethnicities is as old as . . . well, as old as the
British Isles themselves. Once upon a time these islands were occupied by dark-skinned,
blue-eyed hunter-gatherers. Then those were wiped out by neolithic Anatolian farmers. Then those were
almost entirely genetically replaced by Indo-European horse-warriors, first
presumably Celtic-speaking and then later (this time documented historically)
by Germanic-speaking Anglo-Saxons.
Believe
me, the cold recitation there doesn’t come close to approximating the human
strife involved in these population movements. (Bloodshed? Human sacrifice? Let
me suggest politely to you how an entire preexisting genetic substrate gets
replaced wholesale: The answer is violent murder, systematic extinguishing of
male bloodlines, and massive polygamy among male warrior tribal leaders.
There’s a 99.9 percent chance you’d have existed on the sharp-speared end of
pre-civilized life, my friend.) And nobody cared back then, because nobody had
time to care about anything except the material world in front of them — until
the introduction of Christianity suggested another way.
Nobody
in Britain circa a.d. 630 understood racial or ethnic politics the
way such things are understood now, or with the same moral valence. It was “my
team” — usually defined as “my family, tribe, or war leader” — and while a
shared language and culture weren’t fully required overlaps (e.g., any number
of conglomerate Asian steppe-origin hordes like the Huns or Scythians), they
were, for reasons obvious to human common sense, the most easily binding ones.
It is fair to say that seventh-century Anglo Saxons and British Celts did not
consider themselves fellow countrymen. The term “Welsh” is literally descended
from the Anglo-Saxon name for the Romano-Brits they subjugated; Wælisc is
a Germanic word for “foreigner” (one inherited from a Latin term for a
continental Gaulish Celtic tribe, to give you some sense of how words traveled
in this age). Relations between them were . . . harsh at first, and took
centuries to improve, and are still iffy nowadays (any Brit understands exactly
how much history has been elided here for American sensibilities). In the
meantime, incidentally, those invading Anglo-Saxons were themselves pressed to
near political extinction by Scandinavian invasions so vast that they ended up
carving out an entire chunk of the island as a temporary sub-kingdom,
contributed a few members to the English throne, and left an indelible mark
upon the language (every time you use your skill to make
an egg, tip a cap to a Viking). And I haven’t even mentioned the
Norman French yet — 1066 and all that.
At all
points this nation was still a single cognizable thing, with a sense of itself.
Later, with the incorporation of Wales and Scotland (and, temporarily at least,
Ireland) it became British. The Anglo-Saxon component of it was no myth; it was
a legally, culturally, and politically unified world imported from a foreign
land but fused to the native soil, and thus particular in its own way. It was
not Welsh, nor Irish, nor Scottish, nor Danish. When William the Conqueror
invaded, his primary claim to legitimacy for the people he sought to rule was
as an upholder of all Anglo-Saxon laws of King Edward the Confessor. On this
fundamental basis, with Norman French imports, was English common law born. Of
English common law was born American jurisprudence, and if you’re wondering
why National Review is
devoting this many words to an attempted revision of British history, well . .
. we are conservatives. We properly understand our roots.
What
this points out most of all is the silliness of importing American politics,
academic obsessions, and social-historical frameworks into the European
context. The United States is as close to a “blank slate” nation as exists,
only possible as a miraculous creation during a circumscribed historical era:
founded explicitly on political principles rather than ethnic identities. The
way in which those principles have failed to match our practice (from the
treatment of Amerindians to the stain of African slavery to our half-hearted
attempts at early-20th-century empire) are a uniquely American story, and those
obsessions map incredibly poorly onto a land as old and ridden with history and
blood as Europe. As the Telegraph article points out, most
older British scholars of the era consider “the furore over the term
‘Anglo-Saxon’ [to be] an American import,” one which makes no sense on an
island where none of the current inhabitants have anything
whatsoever to do with ancient populations they not only subjugated but
genetically exterminated almost outright during prehistory. (As I said, just
ask Cheddar Man, or the guys who actually built Stonehenge.)
The
construction of national identity itself is remarkably historically contingent
and often retrospective; the greatest literary work of the Old
English/Anglo-Saxon period is Beowulf, an oral heroic poem whose
survival (in one burnt copy) is pure happenstance and whose regional
associations locate its origins far away in the Jutland that divides modern-day
Denmark rather than the western coast of England, among whose descendants the
poem was performed and preserved. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight,
perhaps the finest and most quixotic piece of medieval English poetry, is
itself a one-off fusion of northwestern Midlands Anglo Saxon poetics with
Norman French chivalric traditions: The result is quintessentially English,
just as Beowulf is English yet in a
different, earlier way, and just as in later eras the works of Shakespeare and
his successors become something more, something British.
So while
I can never object to the introduction of nuance into our discussions of
national identity, cultural formation, and the fluidity of “ethnic groupings” —
such details are the warp and woof of historical study, what makes it such a
joy — the effort to graft immature American novo homus prejudices
onto the complexities of European history and life-and-death struggles between
uncivilized ancient populations is comically inapposite. Bluntly put, things
were different back then. Say what you will about the French (and I have
more to say than most; I’m still irked about the war in the Vendée), but they do not lack for
equivalent self-confidence in their historical traditions. France is every bit
the dog’s breakfast of ethnicities and languages and territorial disputes
warred out over time as Great Britain is (or the United States, for that
matter, and dear Lord do not inquire into Germany), but they at least are
willing to admit it in a way Americans have always shied away from and the
English — our elder siblings, enfeebled and taking their political cues as
spoon-fed mush from us as Yank eldercare nurses — are now increasingly afraid
to acknowledge as their founding strength.
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