By
Andrew C. McCarthy
Monday,
June 12, 2023
People
in their right minds who care about the country could never defend the factual
details of Donald Trump’s conduct, as alleged in the federal indictment
unsealed last week.
No one
is going to say, “It makes total sense to me that he was storing the crown
jewels of national defense — such as how other countries could go about
attacking American military vulnerabilities — next to the toilet at a beach
club.”
No one
is going to say, “I can certainly see why Trump would refuse to return such
top-secret intelligence to government officials, who pleaded with him for over
a year to return it before finally resorting to coercive measures.”
No one
is going to say, “It was so vitally important for Trump, who had no official
government duties in his post-presidency, to retain possession of top-secret
government intelligence reports that it made sense for him to defy a subpoena
and mislead a grand jury in order to keep them.”
No one
is going to say, “If a Democratic former president had done what Trump did, I’d
be fine with that.”
Moreover,
no one can credibly say that the Biden Justice Department has manufactured the
case. You can certainly argue that special counsel Jack Smith has been
heavy-handed in charging it. There was no need, for example, for Smith to
indict 31 counts of unlawfully and willfully retaining national-defense
information (310 years of prison exposure); he could instead, for example, have
charged one documents count, with the jury instructed that illegal retention of
any one of the 31 would be sufficient for conviction. That would have provided
ten years of potential incarceration just for unlawful document retention —
more than enough, especially for a 76-year-old-man who is also facing
obstruction charges. As we noted when Alvin Bragg pulled an
even more flagrant stunt along these lines (turning what should, at best, have
been one misdemeanor charge into 34 felonies), Justice
Department guidance admonishes
prosecutors to avoid parsing criminal conduct into multiple felonies that can
be stacked to create the impression of a more serious crime.
In the
scheme of things, though, overcharging is a quibble. What Smith has outlined
is, incontestably, serious criminal conduct. If Trump is convicted of multiple
counts, the stacking problem will be mitigated by the sentencing guidelines
(which guard against this prosecutorial abuse).
Meantime,
it is clear that the Biden Justice Department did not concoct this case out of
whole cloth: The damning evidence comes from (a) documents Trump does not (and
could not) deny having, and (b) pro-Trump
people, such as his
lawyers, who were trying to help him get out of the mess he made for himself,
and whom he rewarded by deceiving them and dragging them into his machinations
— making it look like they were the ones who misled the investigators when, in
fact, they were just acting on what he told them.
Since
Trump’s conduct is indefensible, his apologists have adopted the familiar
tactic of making bombastic claims that the prosecution is so fundamentally
unfair and un-American that the facts don’t matter. Remarkably, the people
asserting these claims never tire of pointing out that Trump is not merely a
former president but a current presidential candidate. Putting
aside whether he is guilty of crimes (he appears to be, but he’ll get his day
in court), what could possibly be more relevant to his fitness for the
presidency than the facts of the case?
Put
another way, is the Trump position that, if the Biden Justice Department
weren’t prosecuting him, it shouldn’t matter to us whether he was reckless, or
worse, in handling the nation’s most critical defense secrets? Is that the
Trump position about the Biden family? That if there is some technically legal
“consulting arrangement” excuse for the payments, or if there is some other
quirk that makes criminal prosecution too difficult, then we should just ignore
that the Democratic president’s family took millions of dollars from corrupt
and anti-American regimes in exchange for his political influence?
In any
event, the attacks on the prosecution — in lieu of trying to justify Trump’s
malfeasance — are very weak. Some, laughably so. I’ll address a number of them
in posts over the next couple of days, starting with the most popular one: The
claim that classified intelligence reports generated by the Defense Department
and U.S. spy agencies, for which the American taxpayer expends hundreds of
billions of dollars per year, are somehow the “personal records” of Donald J.
Trump under the Presidential Records Act.
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